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Mohamed v President of RSA 2001(3) SA 893(CC)

Authored By: Ofentse Lavender Nnonya

University of South Africa

Full case name: Mohamed and Another v President of the Republic of South Africa and  others; Society for the Abolition of the Death penalty in South Africa and another, Amici  Curiae. 

Citation: 2001 (3) SA 893 (CC); 2001 (7) BCLR 685 (CC) 

COURT: Constitutional Court of South Africa 

Date of Decision: 28 May 2001 

Judges: Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Ackermann j, Goldstone Madala j, Makgoro j, Ngcobo j, O’Regan j, Sachs j, Yacoob J 

This landmark judgment from the Constitutional Court stands as one of South Africa’s most  important statements on the universality of human rights and the limits of state power. It  arose when the applicant’s faced extradition to the United States of America to stand trial for  serious terrorist offences, where they would likely face the death penalty if convicted. The  core question before the Court was whether the South African government may lawfully  extradite a person to another country if that person would be at real risk of cruel, inhuman, or  degrading punishment specifically execution in breach of the values enshrined in our  Constitution. 

The case is significant because it confirmed that South Africa’s commitment to human dignity  and the right to life applies equally to all people, regardless of their nationality, alleged crimes,  or the demands of foreign governments. It balanced international cooperation in fighting crime  against the supreme duty of the state to uphold fundamental rights, setting a binding precedent  for all future extradition and treaty decisions. 

The first applicant, Khalfan Khamis Mohamed, was a Tanzanian national accused of  participating in the 1998 bombings of United States embassies in East Africa. He was arrested  in South Africa in 2000 and detained pending extradition to the USA. The second applicant  was a South African attorney acting on his behalf. The US government formally requested his  extradition under the 1999 Extradition Treaty between South Africa and the USA. 

The South African authorities agreed to extradite him, but the US would not provide an  assurance that he would not face the death penalty if convicted. Under US federal law at the  time, the offences carried a possible sentence of execution. The applicants argued that  extraditing him without such an assurance would violate his constitutional rights to life and  dignity.

The President and other state officials opposed the application, submitting that the Treaty was  binding, that the alleged crimes were extremely serious, and that South Africa should honour  its international obligations. The Society for the Abolition of the Death Penalty and the Human  Rights Committee Trust were admitted as” friends of the court” to support the applicants’  arguments. 

The applicants submitted that extraditing Mohamed without an assurance that he would not  face the death penalty as it would violate his constitutional rights to human dignity under  section 10 and right to life under section 11. They emphasised that these fundamental rights  apply to all persons, including non‑citizens, and that the state cannot lawfully achieve indirectly  by sending someone to face execution in another country what it is prohibited from doing  directly within South Africa. They further argued that while international agreements carry  weight, no treaty obligation can override the supreme Constitution, and that South Africa must  also act consistently with international prohibitions on cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.  From my perspective, this point is foundational: our national values should never be set aside  simply to satisfy diplomatic pressure, and upholding the Constitution remains the state’s first  duty above all other considerations. 

On behalf of the respondents, the state argued that the Extradition Treaty with the United States  was legally binding, and that refusing to give effect to it would harm South Africa’s  international reputation and future cooperation in combating serious cross‑border crime. They  submitted that the alleged offences were extremely grave, that the United States had proper  jurisdiction to prosecute them, and that the Constitution did not explicitly bar extradition in  such circumstances, so courts should be cautious not to interfere with the executive’s conduct  of foreign relations. 

The amici curiae supported the applicants, stating that the death penalty is inherently cruel and  degrading, so exposing any person to its risk is always incompatible with South Africa’s  constitutional values. They reminded the court that our democratic transition was built on  rejecting retributive violence and affirming the equal worth of every human life. I would add  that this case is never about excusing alleged wrongdoing it is about upholding the kind of  nation we chose to become: one that refuses to compromise its most basic principles, no matter  how serious the accusation against an individual. 

The Court upheld the application, declaring that the President and other respondents may not  lawfully extradite or surrender the first applicant to the United States of America unless and  until they receive a clear and binding assurance that he will not be charged with, or sentenced  to, the death penalty. The core legal principle (ratio decidendi) established is that: The South  African state may not extradite or transfer any person to another country if there is a real risk  that they will be subjected to punishment or treatment that violates the Constitution,  particularly the death penalty, and international treaty obligations do not override this  constitutional duty

This judgment remains one of the most powerful affirmations of South Africa’s constitutional  identity, and it rightly prioritises principle over convenience. Its greatest strength is its  uncompromising clarity that human rights are not privileges reserved for citizens or people  who are liked, they belong to every human being, and the state cannot wash its hands of its  moral and legal duties simply by handing someone over to another country. It also sends a  strong message internationally that South Africa will cooperate with other nations, but never  at the cost of abandoning the values we fought so hard to build. That said, some critics argue  the ruling places difficult limits on law enforcement cooperation, noting that countries may be  less willing to share intelligence or extradite suspects to South Africa if we refuse to do the  same on their terms. However, from my standpoint, this criticism misses the point: being a  responsible global partner does not mean abandoning your own conscience. If other nations  respect our values, they will work with us to find solutions that uphold human dignity rather  than demanding we compromise it. This case does not make South Africa soft on crime it makes us principled about how we fight it. 

Mohamed remains a landmark decision that defines the boundaries of state power and the  universality of rights in South African law. It confirms that the Constitution travels with the  state in all its dealings, near or far, and that no person falls outside its protection. The judgment  did not stop international cooperation it simply ensured that such cooperation is always ethical  and consistent with who we are as a democracy. Ultimately, it stands as a reminder that  upholding what is right is sometimes harder than doing what is easy, but it is always the only  path worth taking. confirms beyond doubt that the Constitution applies to every exercise of  state authority, including foreign relations and international cooperation, and that the rights to  life and dignity are absolute and universal, not conditional on who a person is or what they are  accused of doing. This case teaches us that being a responsible member of the global  community does not mean compromising our principles to please more powerful nations; true  leadership means standing by what is right, even when it is difficult or unpopular. It also  reaffirms a vital truth for our democracy: we cannot claim to be a country built on human rights  if we are willing to send others to suffering that we ourselves have rejected. Ultimately, this  judgment is more than just a rule for extradition it is a promise that South Africa will always  choose justice over convenience, and that the values we fought for will protect every life,  without exception.

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