Authored By: Tripti pal
Asian Law College
ABSTRACT
The media, often seen as the “fourth column of democracy”, plays an important role in shaping public opinion and ensuring transparency in governance. However, in recent years, the phenomenon of “testing by test” has emerged as a controversial issue in India’s legal and democratic structure. Testing by media refers to conditions where broader press and television coverage affects the result of judicial proceedings, effectively changing the appropriate process with public opinion. With the rise of sensational and “breaking news” culture, many high profile criminal cases have been subjected to intensive media investigation, which often make a parallel court of public perception.
This article examines the constitutional conflict between Article 19 (1) (A), which guarantees the freedom of speech and expression, and Article 21, which protects the rights and personal freedom of life and personal freedom, including a fair test. It analyses judicial response to media tests, the impact of such reporting on criminal justice system and comparative approaches from courts such as UK and America. Ultimately, it argues for a balanced approach that respects the freedom of the media by protecting the integrity of judicial proceedings, strengthens regulation, promotes media morality and resolves reforms to protect the rule of law.
INTRODUCTION
The media holds an important place in modern democracy, often described as a “fourth column” with legislature, executive and judiciary. Its primary task is to inform citizens, ensure transparency and make institutions accountable. In India, with its vast population and vibrant democracy, the press and electronic media have emerged as a powerful platform that shapes and affects governance. Especially in cases of criminal justice, the media has played a dual role – sometimes to highlight injustice and gather public opinion, while in other times reduce the very principles of fairness and fairness.
In the last two decades, the increasing trend of sensationalism in Indian journalism has been observed. The race for ratings has transformed reporting into a spectacle of “breaking news”, where the objective often transforms accurate reporting into a dramatic story. Within this environment, the occurrence of “testing by media” has emerged. This refers to conditions where excessive coverage of an accused or the case creates a perception of crime or innocence before saving the judgment of the judiciary. Jessica Lal murder, Arushi Talwar Case, and Sushant Singh Rajput’s investigation understands the trend, where intensive media coverage not only affected public sentiment, but also put great pressure on the discovery agencies and the judiciary.
The central issue raised by the media is a conflict between two constitutional guarantee. On the one hand, Article 19 (1) (A) protects the freedom of speech and expression, ensuring that the press can report independently and act as a guard in the society. On the other hand, Article 21 guarantees the right to life and personal freedom, including the right to a fair testing – the cornerstone of criminal justice. This balance is interrupted when the media tarnishes reputation without judicial proceedings or a proper process of reporting prejudices.
Therefore, the debate on media tests is not about restricting the freedom of the press, rather it is about ensuring that such freedom does not come at the cost of justice. This article examines constitutional structures, judicial pronunciation and comparative approaches, proposing reforms to harmonize free expression with fair testing rights in India.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK
The Indian Constitution provides a strong foundation for both freedom of the press and the right to fair testing. However, stress often arises when these two rights intend in terms of media tests. To understand this struggle, it is necessary to investigate the relevant constitutional provisions, statutory structures and legal principles.
Freedom of press under Article 19(1)(A)
Although the Constitution of India clearly does not clearly mention “freedom of press”, the Supreme Court has consistently admitted that it lies in the guarantee of speech and freedom of expression under Article 19(1)(A).1 Press acts as a guards of democracy, ensures accountability of public institutions and gives voice to citizens. However, this freedom is not absolute. Under Article19(2), proper restrictions can be imposed in the interests of the instigation of sovereignty, India’s integrity, public order, decency, morality, contempt of court, defamation, or crime.
When media tests interfere with pending judicial proceedings, they can cross the “contempt of court”, allowing legal restrictions to justify. This challenge is to balance the public’s rights with the right to tested the accused.
Right to fair testing under Article 21
Article 21 guarantees the right to life and personal freedom, which has been explained in detail by the judiciary to include the right of fair testing.2 Fair trial is the cornerstone of criminal jurisprudence, which lies in the principles of natural justice and is estimated to be innocence until he is guilty. The Supreme Court has often reiterated that justice should be done not only, but also it should be.
When media coverage portrays an accused as a guilty before being convicted, it violates the principle, causing a bias between the public, witnesses and sometimes judicial authorities. Thus, the amount may be the amount for violations of testing Article 21 by media. 3. In contempt of court act, 1971
The contempt of the Court Act, 1971 provides another legal protection against prejudicial reporting. Contempt Citizens (disobedience of court orders) or may be criminal (tasks that scam the court, prejudice judicial proceedings, or interrupted justice administration). 3If it goes to intervene with the fairness of a test, the excessive or sensational reporting of sub -judges can constitute criminal contempt.
At the same time, the judiciary has clarified that fair reporting in public interest is not contempt. Therefore, the Act serves as both a shield for judicial freedom and a check against careless journalism.
Provision under CRPC and Evidence Act
The Criminal Procedure Code (CRPC) and the Indian Evidence Act also show the principle of fair testing:
- CRPC, 1973: Ensure fair investigation, framing of allegations, examination of witnesses and safety measures for the accused. Any predominant media coverage can derail this process by affecting witnesses or pressurizing investigators. 4
- Indian Evidence Act, 1872: Emphasizes that only legally acceptable evidence should be considered in tests. Media reports, confessions aired on television, or public statements are not qualified as acceptable evidence, yet they often create strong public perceptions that can indirectly affect the case. 4
Here the analysis-constitutional and statutory structure in India recognizes both the freedom of the press and the right of a fair testing in the form of fundamental pillars of democracy. However, unrestricted media reporting on ongoing cases reduces this balance, threatening the rights of the accused under Article 21. While the existing mechanisms such as Article 19(2) restrictions, contempt proceedings, and procedural security measures and evidence acts exist under CRPC, their enforcement in behavior is inconsistent.
Thus, the challenge before the Indian judiciary and the legislature is to develop a clear, balanced structure that respects the freedom of the media without compromising the sanctity of judicial proceedings.
JUDICIAL APPROACH TO MEDIA TESTS
The judiciary in India has often been called to investigate the impact of media tests on the justice administration. The courts have recognized the important role played by the Press in highlighting injustice and keeping the public informed, but they have also warned against careless reporting that reduces the right to test. Over the years, many historical cases have shaped a judicial approach to balance the freedom of expression under Article 19 (1) (A) and have the right to a fair test under Article 21.
R.K. Anand vs. Registrar, Delhi High Court (2009) 5
The case arose from a television sting operation conducted during the BMW Hit-Run trial. The media highlighted the immoral collusion between a defense lawyer and the prosecution witness. While the sting was important in bringing the misconduct to light, the court emphasized that the case should not intervene in the ongoing judicial proceedings by the media. This accepted the positive role of investigative journalism, but warned that the media should act responsibly and do not cross a pending case in prejudice.
Key takeaway: The judiciary allows an inquiry into the media, but draws a line where it hinders justice or scams the court.
Maharashtra State vs Rajendra Jawanmal Gandhi (1997) 6
In this case, the Supreme Court clearly stated that “a test by the press, electronic media, or public movement is very opposed to the rule of law.” It was observed that public opinion of media campaigns could never replace judicial assessment based on evidence. The court insisted that an accused has constitutional rights to be tried by the courts of law, not by newspapers or television studios.
Key takeaway: Media should not make a parallel judicial platform; Justice can only be given in courts.
Sahara India Real Estate Corp V. SEBI (2012)7
The case is dealt with whether courts may issue adjourned orders to temporarily restrict media reporting of sub -judge’s cases. The Supreme Court upheld the power of the courts to do so in extraordinary cases to protect the fairness of a test. This ruled that such orders are constitutional and fall under appropriate sanctions under Article 19 (2), which ensures balance between free speech and fair test rights.
Key Takeaway: The courts can regulate the time of media reporting to protect judicial integrity without permanent gagging to the press.
Manu Sharma vs. State (NCT of Delhi) (2010) – Jessica Lal Case 8
The Jessica Lal murder case was one of the most sensational tests in India, in which intensive media coverage was a leader for widespread public resentment against the accused. While the Supreme Court eventually convicted Manu Sharma on the basis of evidence, it strongly criticized the manner in which the media conducted a parallel test. The court reiterated that the media should not pronounce the verdict, as doing so may prejudice the process of justice.
Key Takeaway: Media activism can highlight injustice, but should not reduce the fixed process or do justice.
Judicial analysis and trends from these cases:
- Recognition of the role of media: The courts appreciate the media’s contribution to corruption, misconduct and exposure to human rights violations. Without investigative reporting, many issues will remain hidden.
- Caution Against Prejudice: The judiciary warns that sensational reporting, speculative commentary, and the portrayal of accused persons as guilty before conviction undermine the presumption of innocence.
- Balance mechanism: Judicial equipment such as contempt proceedings, adjournment orders, and strict adherence to evidence law are used to attack a balance. However, the courts are reluctant to impose permanent restrictions, given the democratic significance of the free press.
- Judicial Development: Over time, the courts have gone only by cautioning the media (Rajendra Gandhi) carefully, which actively manufactures safety measures (support vs. SEBI). This reflects a mature judicial approach that wants balance rather than conflict between press freedom and judicial freedom.
In conclusion the Indian judiciary has adopted a measured approach: Accepting the sentinel role of the media, ensuring that justice promotion is not compromised. The constant judicial attitude is that while media freedom is sacred in democracy, it should work within the limits of fairness, accuracy and responsibility. Eventually, courts remain the only valid platform to determine crime or innocence, and media should respect this constitutional limit.
IMPACT OF MEDIA TRIALS ON THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
The influence of media on criminal justice in India has been deep and multidimensional. While media tests can sometimes promote accountability and highlight systemic flaws, they often risk reducing judicial processes and fundamental rights. Thus the impact of media tests can be evaluated through both their positive contribution and negative results
Positive role of media tests:
- Brings Hidden Issues to Light
One of the most important contributions to media tests is his ability to highlight injustice that otherwise no one can pay attention. For example, in the Nirbhaya gang rape case9(2012), comprehensive media coverage collected public outrage, resulting in rapidly tracked investigation, early testing, and significant legal reforms including amendment in the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013. Thus the media acted as a catalyst for justice by raising voices.
- Public pressure on institutions
Media coverage creates accountability for investigative agencies, prosecution and even judiciary. In many cases, media attention has been ensured that the tests were not delayed or neglected. For example, the Jessica Lal murder case achieved renewal pace after intensive media investigation into initial testing and contributed to the final punishment.8
- Legal and social reforms
By highlighting systemic failures, media tests have often affected laws and policy changes. Custodial torture, gender-based violence and high-profile cases of corruption have debated in Parliament and led progressive amendments.
Negative Role of Media Trials:
- Prejudice of accused
The most frightening defect is that the foundation stone of the criminal law is a violation of the innocence. Sensational reporting is often accused by the court before the projects are accused as guilty. This not only causes irreplacement to the reputation, but also violates Article 21 rights for dignity and fair testing. 10
Example: During the Aarushi Talwar Double Murder Case (2008), speculative reporting and sensational narratives depicted the conflicting versions of the crime, in which the accused and even the victim’s family was subjected to the killing of the character.
- Investigation intervention
Comprehensive media coverage often disrupts the investigation process. Witnesses may be influenced by major media fiction, investigators may feel pressure to work in a hurry, and the fairness of the process may be compromised. In some cases, confidential details of the investigation leak to the media, which threatens the collection of acceptable evidence. 11
- Parallel public court
Media trials create a “court of public opinion”, where crime or innocence is debated by anchor, panelist and social media users instead of being decided in a court. It reduces the independence of the judiciary and eradicates public belief in the rule of law.
Examples: Sushant Singh Rajput death case (2020) became a media spectacle, where the principle of conspiracy, leaked chat, and unaware allegations followed the real inquiry. Public opinion, 24/7 news debate, polarized society created heavy pressure on fuel and law enforcement agencies.
- Psychological and social influence
Families of accused, victims and even witnesses face social instability and mental trauma due to tireless media investigation. In some cases, the media reported boundaries on the invasion of secrecy, not only legal but also the moral standards of journalism.
Overall impact on criminal justice:
The dual impact of media tests reflects the contradiction of his role in democracy. On the one hand, they strengthen the accountability by highlighting institutional failures and insisting on reforms. On the other hand, they create serious threats to fairness, fairness and dignity in criminal justice.
The courts have repeatedly emphasized that while media can expose matters and inform the public, it should not be overcome in giving decisions. However, the competitive nature of modern journalism often leads to sensational and speculative reporting. This weakens the credibility of both media and justice systems, causing a crisis of trust between citizens.
In conclusion the media trial acts as a two -edged sword within the criminal justice system. His power to gather reforms cannot be ignored, but uncontrolled sensationalism erases the foundation of justice. The challenge lies in promoting responsible journalism which works in public interest without compromising the appropriate process. To achieve this, regulatory mechanisms, judicial security measures and media morality should be strengthened, ensuring that justice is served not only in the courts of law but also in the court of public perception.
CONCLUSION
Media trial phenomenon presents an intensive challenge to the Indian criminal justice system. On the one hand, the media acts as an important sentinel, highlights corruption, highlights systemic failures, and gather public opinion to demand accountability. On the other hand, excessive or sensational reporting can violate the right to a fair test, distort public perception, and create a parallel court of public decisions. This stress highlights the central conflict between Article 19(1)(A), which guarantees speech and freedom of expression, and Article 21, which ensures the right to life and the right to personal freedom, including the fixed process.
Judicial pronunciation in cases like R.K. Anand vs. Registrar, Rajendra Jawanmal Gandhi, and Jessica Lal case demonstrated that the courts recognize the media’s indispensable role, they also take precautions against prejudice reporting compromising justice.
The way media is in harmony with freedom of media with judicial integrity. Strong regulatory structures, self-regulations through press councils, prudent use or adjournment instructions of court orders, and public legal literacy can collectively ensure that media testing serves public interest without reducing justice.
In short, media should act as a patron of democracy, not as a parallel court. In order to maintain public belief in the justice system, it is necessary to protect both independent expression and the right to fair testing. Achieving this balance is not only a legal imperative, but also a democratic requirement, ensuring that justice is given within the courts, while public discourses remain informed, moral and responsible.
REFERANCE(S):
- INDIA CONST. art. 19(1)(a); see also Express Newspapers (P) Ltd. v. Union of India, AIR 1958 SC 578.
- INDIA CONST. art. 21; see Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, (1978) 1 S.C.C. 248. 3. Contempt of Courts Act, No. 70 of 1971, § 2(c) (India).
- Code of Criminal Procedure, No. 2 of 1974, INDIA CODE (1974); Indian Evidence Act, No. 1 of 1872, INDIA CODE (1872).
- R.K. Anand v. Registrar, Delhi High Court, (2009) 8 S.C.C. 106.
- State of Maharashtra v. Rajendra Jawanmal Gandhi, (1997) 8 S.C.C. 386. 7. Sahara India Real Estate Corp. Ltd. v. SEBI, (2012) 10 S.C.C. 603.
- Manu Sharma v. State (NCT of Delhi), (2010) 6 S.C.C. 1.
- Mukesh v. State (NCT of Delhi), (2017) 6 S.C.C. 1.
- Rajesh Talwar v. C.B.I., Crim. Appeal No. 68 of 2013 (All. H.C.).
- Rhea Chakraborty v. State of Bihar, 2020 SCC Online SC 654.
- Law Comm’n of India, 200th Report, “Trial by Media” (2006).
- M.P. JAIN, INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW (8th ed. 2018).
- H.M. SEERVAI, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF INDIA (4th ed. 1996).