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THE BUILDING BRIDGES INITIATIVE (BBI) CONSTITUTIONAL APPEAL

Authored By: Eshirera Kimberly

Riara University

  1. Case Title & Citation 

David Ndii & Others v Attorney General & Others [2021] eKLR (Consolidated Petitions No.  E282 & E397 of 2020) 

Appeal Citation: Attorney General & Others v David Ndii & Others [2022] eKLR (Civil Appeal  E401 of 2021) 

  1. Court Name & Bench 

High Court: The High Court of Kenya at Nairobi (Constitutional and Human Rights Division). Judges: Justices J. Ngugi, M. Matheka, E. Mureithi, W. Korir, and E. Nderi. Court of

Appeal: The Court of Appeal of Kenya at Nairobi. 

Judges: Justices D. Musinga (President), R. Nambuye, H. Omondi, P. Kiage, G. Kairu, F.  Sichale, and I. Lenaola. 

Supreme Court: The Supreme Court of Kenya. 

Judges: Chief Justice M. Koome, Deputy Chief Justice P. Mwilu, and Justices M. Ibrahim, S.  Wanjala, N. Ndung’u, I. Lenaola, and W. Ouko. 

  1. Date of Judgment 

High Court Judgment: 13th May 2021. 

Court of Appeal Judgment: 20th August 2021. 

Supreme Court Judgment: The Supreme Court largely declined to hear the substantive appeal on  9th September 2022, affirming the Court of Appeal’s decision. 

  1. Parties Involved 

Petitioners/Respondents (David Ndii & Others): A diverse coalition of citizens, civil society  organizations, and professional bodies. They challenged the constitutionality of the entire BBI process. Key figures included economist David Ndii, the Kenyan Chapter of the International  Commission of Jurists (ICJ-K), and the Law Society of Kenya. 

Respondents/Appellants (Attorney General & Others): The State, represented by the Attorney  General, who defended the process. Other key appellants were the BBI Secretariat and the  Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), which was involved in the  referendum aspect. 

  1. Facts of the Case

The story of the BBI case begins not in a courtroom, but in a famous “handshake” on the 9th of  March 2018. Following a contentious and divisive 2017 presidential election, President Uhuru  Kenyatta and his rival, Raila Odinga, publicly reconciled. This act of political truce birthed the “Building Bridges to a United Kenya Initiative,” tasked with addressing nine key issues, or  “handshake ailments,” facing the nation, such as ethnic antagonism and lack of national ethos.1 The BBI taskforce conducted public participation and produced a report, which eventually  morphed into a concrete proposal to amend the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. The proposed  amendments were extensive, seeking to, among other things: 

Create an executive structure with a President, a Prime Minister, and two Deputy Prime  Ministers. 

Expand the Parliament by creating 70 new constituencies. 

Increase allocation of national revenue to county governments from 15% to 35%.

Reintroduce the position of the Official Leader of the Opposition. 

The process to enact these changes was initiated through a popular initiative, a constitutional  pathway typically reserved for citizens. The petitioners, however, argued that this was a sham,  and that the entire process was fundamentally driven by the President and state machinery,  making it an unlawful and unconstitutional exercise of power. The case, therefore, put the very  soul of Kenya’s 2010 Constitution heralded for its robust checks and balances on trial. 

  1. Issues Raised 

The High Court and the Court of Appeal framed several profound legal questions, which can be  distilled as follows: 

The Basic Structure Doctrine: Does the Kenyan Constitution possess an unamendable  “basic structure” that cannot be altered through popular initiative or parliamentary  processes? 

The Role of the President: Can the President, under the Kenyan Constitution, initiate a  popular initiative to amend the Constitution? Does such initiation amount to a violation  of the President’s oath to uphold and defend the Constitution? 

The Validity of the BBI Process: Was the BBI process a genuine “popular initiative” as  envisaged under Article 257 of the Constitution, or was it a state-driven process  masquerading as one? 

The Role of the IEBC: Did the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission  (IEBC) have a properly constituted quorum to verify the signatures and undertake its  constitutional duties regarding the BBI bill? 

Civil Proceedings against the President: Can the President, as the head of state, be sued  in their personal capacity for actions undertaken in their official capacity? 

  1. Arguments of the Parties 

Arguments by the Petitioners (David Ndii & Others): 

 The petitioners’ case was a robust defence of constitutionalism. They contended that the  President, by initiating and promoting the BBI bill, had overstepped his constitutional  boundaries. They argued that the President’s role is to execute government policy, not to initiate  constitutional amendments, which is a power reserved for the people and Parliament.2 They  invoked the “Basic Structure Doctrine,” a jurisprudential concept from India, arguing that certain  foundational pillars of the Constitution like sovereignty of the people, the supremacy of the  Constitution, and the democratic nature of the state are immutable and cannot be amended even by a popular initiative.3 They also challenged the IEBC’s capacity to act, noting it did not have  the constitutionally mandated quorum of five commissioners. 

Arguments by the Respondents (Attorney General & Others): 

 The State’s defence was rooted in a literal and populist interpretation of the Constitution. The  Attorney General argued that the Constitution of Kenya does not recognize the “Basic Structure  Doctrine” and that the amendment process under Article 257 is open to “any Kenyan citizen,” a  category that logically includes the President.4 They framed the BBI as a people-driven process born from public participation and argued that the courts should not stand in the way of the  people’s sovereign will expressed through a referendum. On the issue of presidential immunity,  they maintained that the President enjoys immunity from civil proceedings during their tenure in  office for official acts. 

  1. Judgment / Final Decision 

High Court (13th May 2021): In a landmark decision, the five-judge bench delivered a  resounding victory for the petitioners. They declared the entire BBI process null and void.5 The  court held that the President cannot initiate a popular initiative, that the Basic Structure Doctrine  is applicable in Kenya, and that the IEBC was not properly constituted. 

Court of Appeal (20th August 2021): The seven-judge bench largely upheld the High Court’s  decision, delivering a detailed and scholarly judgment that reinforced the lower court’s findings.6 They affirmed the applicability of the Basic Structure Doctrine, reiterated that the President  cannot initiate a popular initiative, and found that the IEBC lacked a lawful quorum. The appeal  was dismissed. 

Supreme Court (9th September 2022): The Supreme Court’s role was primarily appellate. While  it made some technical corrections for instance, clarifying that the Basic Structure Doctrine is a  descriptive tool for interpretation rather than a specific doctrine with a capital ‘D’ in Kenya, and that the President can be sued in certain circumstances it ultimately declined to hear the  substantive appeal on the BBI itself.7 This decision effectively left the Court of Appeal’s  judgment, which halted the BBI, as the final word on the matter. 

  1. Ratio Decidendi 

The legal reasoning, particularly from the Court of Appeal, was profound and has become a  cornerstone of Kenyan constitutional jurisprudence. 

On the Basic Structure Doctrine: The courts reasoned that the 2010 Constitution was not created  in a vacuum but was a fundamental break from the past, designed to secure a democratic state  based on the sovereignty of the people. The Court of Appeal held that while the term “Basic  Structure Doctrine” is not expressly mentioned, the Constitution’s architecture implies that its  “essential features and underlying structure” cannot be destroyed through the amendment  process.8 They identified these features to include sovereignty of the people, the supremacy of  the Constitution, the bill of rights, democracy, and the principle of devolution. To allow these to  be abrogated would be a betrayal of the will of the people who promulgated the Constitution. 

On the President’s Role: This was a pivotal finding. The courts drew a clear distinction between  the President as a person and the President as an institution. The Court of Appeal reasoned that  Article 257 of the Constitution, which provides for a “popular initiative,” is designed for ordinary  citizens to exercise their sovereign power directly. The President, as the head of the Executive  and a powerful state organ, cannot use this pathway. To allow this would be to create an “unfair  advantage” and “subvert the sovereignty of the people” by allowing state machinery to be used  for a process meant to check that very state power.9 The ratio here is that a state organ, including  the President, is constitutionally barred from initiating a popular initiative. 

On the IEBC Quorum: The court applied a strict interpretation of the law. The IEBC Act  required a minimum of five commissioners for the commission to be properly constituted. At the  time of verifying the BBI signatures, the IEBC had only three commissioners in office. The court held that the actions taken by an improperly constituted commission were invalid and of no legal  effect.10 

  1. Observations 

The BBI case is more than just a legal judgment; it is a defining moment in Kenya’s democratic  journey. It represents the triumph of constitutionalism over political expediency. The courts,  faced with immense political pressure, stood firm as guardians of the Constitution, demonstrating  the maturity and independence of Kenya’s judiciary. The case’s impact is multifaceted. Firstly, it  firmly established, in a Kenyan context, the principle that a constitution has an unalterable core,  a concept that will protect the nation’s foundational values from arbitrary alteration by transient  political majorities. Secondly, it clarified the limits of presidential power, reinforcing that no  one, not even the President, is above the law. Finally, it underscored the importance of  independent institutions like the IEBC, insisting that they must operate within their legally  mandated structures. 

While the political goal of the “handshake” national unity was noble, the judiciary’s message was clear: the ends, no matter how appealing, cannot justify unconstitutional means. The BBI case  will forever be cited as the precedent where “We the People” of Kenya, through their courts,  defended their Constitution from a powerful, state-backed attempt to alter its fundamental  character. It is a powerful reminder that in a constitutional democracy, the final word does not  belong to the rulers, but to the rule of law. 

Reference(S):

1 The Building Bridges to a United Kenya Taskforce Report, (Nairobi, 2019).

2 David Ndii & Others v Attorney General & Others [2021] EKLR, paras 345-360

3 Kesavananda Bharti v State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225 ( The Indian Case Established the Basic Structure  Doctrine) 

4 Attorney General 7 Others v David Ndii 7 Others[ 2022] eKLR ( Civil Appeal E401 Of 2021), Submissions of the  1st Appellant ( Attorney General) 

5 David Ndii (n2) para 592. 

6 Attorney General v David Ndii (n4)

7 Attorney General & 4 others v David Ndii & 73 Others [2022] eKLR ( Supreme Court Advisory Opinion  Application No. 6 of 2002) 

8 Attorney General v David Ndii (n4) para 412 

9Ibid, para 385.

10 David Ndii (n2) paras 530- 545

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