Authored By: Nimzing Ponsel Andrew
Near East University
Abstract
In Nigeria, the very institutions designed to enforce the law frequently become agents of its misuse. This study looks into how selective enforcement and unequal adherence to legal standards undermine human rights and the rule of law. Despite constitutional protections for equality, law enforcement frequently reflects political influence, social hierarchy, ethnic bias, and corruption. The article demonstrates, via qualitative examination of law texts, court opinions, policy papers, and recorded human rights breaches, how biased enforcement weakens public trust, increases impunity, and undermines governmental legitimacy. It contends that selective application of the law is more than just an administrative oversight; it poses a systemic threat to justice and democracy. Strengthening Nigeria’s rule of law necessitates institutional autonomy, civic responsibility, and political resolve to ensure that both officials and citizens face the law equally.
Introduction
The rule of law is critical to democracy, but Nigeria’s handling of the #EndSARS protests in 2020 revealed severe vulnerabilities in its enforcement and ongoing human rights violations. What began as a peaceful anti-SARS rally erupted following the gunshot at the Lekki Toll Gate, showing conflicts between official power and citizen rights. Selective enforcement and misuse of power by law enforcement undermine justice, create impunity, and erode public confidence. This article argues that the inconsistent application of the law in Nigeria undermines human rights, impairs democracy, and threatens national stability.[1]
Legal Framework
- 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (amended):
The 1999 Constitution stands as Nigeria’s supreme law, laying the basis for all other legislation and directing the conduct of governance. It encourages accountability and protects the rule of law. At its core, the Constitution ensures equal treatment under the law and prohibits discrimination based on ethnicity, religion, politics, or socioeconomic class. It also safeguards all people’ dignity, rights, and freedoms, ensuring that justice and humanity remain vital to national life.[2]
- Nigerian Police (Establishment) Act 2020:
The Act makes it clear that the police are responsible for upholding and protecting all individuals’ fundamental rights and freedoms. It emphasizes the critical link between policing and human rights, ensuring that law enforcement agents carry out their duties in a manner consistent with dignity and justice. Sections 2, 4, and 5 of the Act explicitly explain these responsibilities, underlining that the preservation of human rights is not only a principle but a key requirement in all police activities.[3]
- National Human Rights Commission (Amended) Act 2010:
Established the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), an independent agency tasked with investigating human rights violations, advocating for human rights, and seeking adequate redress for victims. As specified in Sections 5 and 6 of the Act.[4]
Criminal Code Act:
This statute outlines criminal acts and establishes law enforcement authority, while tacitly requiring due process and legitimate activities.[5]
Penal Code Act:
This legislation outlines criminal acts and specifies the powers of law enforcement, while tacitly mandating due process and legitimate activities.[6]
Judicial Authorities
Judicial precedents highlight the importance of compliance. In CBN V PETER O. IKPILA & ANOR, it has been established that a court order must be complied with and given full effect, regardless of whether it appears unreasonable or unjust, until such time as the order is lawfully overturned or set aside by a competent court.[7] In LABOUR PARTY V INEC (2009), The Supreme Court of Nigeria restated a fundamental rule of law principle: every court order, no matter how defective, must be obeyed until a higher court overturns it. The Court emphasized that no individual or institution, including government bodies, has the right to disobey a lawful court order. The Supreme Court’s ruling reinforced the judiciary’s power and the significance of safeguarding due process.[8] In MILITARY GOVERNOR OF LAGOS STATE V OJUKWU, Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu was evicted from his home by the Lagos State Government while a court case involving his occupation of the land was still unresolved, despite a court order that kept the status quo. The Supreme Court chastised the government’s behavior, emphasizing that no one, including the government, is above the law, and that court rulings must be observed until overturned.[9]
However, there have been instances where law enforcement agencies and government officials have failed to comply with court rulings, so violating established laws and regulations
In OKO PATRICK IDOKO V NPF, INSPECTOR GENERAL OF POLICE, AND POLICE SERVICE COMMISSION, Idoko, a former Nigeria Police Force officer, sued the Force and three others, claiming his dismissal was illegal. He requested reinstatement and payment of all outstanding salary and entitlements. The court found in his favor, declaring his firing illegal and ordering his reinstatement with full wages. Regardless, the defendants allegedly ignored the court’s ruling.[10] In COL. DASUKI V THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, A retired Nigerian Army Colonel and former National Security Adviser was previously detained and his property taken by security personnel. The court then gave him bail and permission to travel overseas for medical treatment. Despite these directives, security personnel reportedly surrounded his home and barred him from leaving Nigeria.[11] In EMINIKE V EFCC, A Federal High Court in Abuja had ordered the EFCC to vacate a disputed property. Despite this, the EFCC’s armed officials stayed on the premises. The judge warned that “disobedience to a court order is injurious to the rule of law and can lead to anarchy”.[12]
Challenges of Selective Law Enforcement
Widespread Corruption
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has repeatedly been accused of shielding powerful individuals. For example, Yahaya Bello, former governor of Kogi State, was alleged to have been protected despite petitions sent to the EFCC regarding contract inflation and fictitious withdrawals.[13] A revealing case within the Nigeria Police Force: former Inspector General Tafa Balogun was charged with stealing over $98 million while in office.[14]
Decline in Public Trust
The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Nigeria Police became infamous for extortion, torture, and extrajudicial killings, resulting in national protest #EndSARS.[15]
According to a grassroots report by Human Rights Watch, police personnel claim that the system demands “returns” from subordinates. Numerous reports reveal police officers’ lack of resources and training, which leads to suspicious abuse and human rights breaches. According to Human Rights Watch, police officials often use extortion and torture to gather evidence.[16] Another reported scam was the mismanagement of N2.92 billion in trainee allowances at police training institutions (Lagos, Kaduna, and Enugu), demonstrating institutional weaknesses in training and control.[17]
- Limited Resources and Operational Capacity
The quarterly imprest for police stations was stated to be N45,000 each quarter N15,000/month, certainly inadequate for fuel, equipment, and power.[18] According to a former police commissioner, the Nigeria Police Force has approximately 300,000 policemen for a population of 240 million, making it woefully understaffed and underfunded.[19]
- Political Interference in Institutional Operations
The EFCC attempted to arrest Yahaya Bello for alleged misappropriation of ₦84 billion, but his legal immunity under Section 308 of the Constitution, combined with purported political protection, prevented his arrest.[20] Such high-profile intervention jeopardizes the independence of investigations and the perception of fair law enforcement.
- Lack of Institutional Autonomy from Federal Government
The police budget shows that the federal government has extensive power over financing decisions and monitoring, limiting the force’s operational autonomy. In 2023, just a small portion of the overall budget of ₦871.3 billion was allocated to improve operational independence.[21]
- Entrenched Culture of Impunity
Despite severe corruption scandals involving personalities like as Tafa Balogun and Sunday Ehindero, many senior officials frequently avoid fast or decisive accountability, perpetuating an environment of impunity. [22] According to the Human Rights Watch research, police monies were regularly diverted or stolen, and senior officers were not held accountable.[23]
Ethnic and Social Bias in Institutional Practices
A Sahara Reporters investigation discovered that the most recent round of police promotions granted by the current Inspector General of Police largely favored personnel from a single ethnic group, the Yoruba, raising worries about ethnic prejudice within the force.[24] In 2018, the International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law (Intersociety) criticized the composition of Nigeria’s counter-insurgency team in the North-East, calling it as lopsided and missing fair representation from certain regions.[25]
- How the law works in practice
What the rule of law requires; roughly speaking, the rule of law means that laws are promulgated in public, implemented equally, and enforced fairly, with an independent and accessible court. If any of these are consistently weak, the rule of law suffers.
In Nigeria, several laws exist and reforms have been implemented, but enforcement and compliance are unequal. Below are some core problem areas:
- Selective enforcement / prosecution
Certain individuals, particularly those with political connections or power, are given preferential treatment. Legal commentators emphasize that punishing people differently depending on their ethnicity, political ties, or social position violates the concept of equality before the law and undermines the rule of law.[26] A commenter went on to say that disproportionate punishment undermines public trust, noting that “selective justice damages the legitimacy of the state.[27]
- Non-compliance / disobedience of court orders
The judiciary has consistently expressed concern that government officials and agencies disregard judicial rulings. The Chief Justice of Nigeria has made it clear that court rulings must be followed without exception.[28] However, a survey from the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) showed that authorities frequently cooperate selectively, obeying only positive verdicts.[29] Such actions undermine judicial authority and promote a culture of impunity.
Delay, inefficiency & access to justice issues
Even when laws are enforced, systemic issues including court backlogs, administrative delays, and underfunding impede quick justice.[30] Many citizens continue to have limited access to justice because of inadequate legal aid, the concentration of courts in cities, slow legal processes and low legal understanding.[31]
- Political interference / weak institutional independence
Law enforcement and prosecuting agencies are frequently accused of acting under political pressure rather than following precise legal guidelines. Reports show that critics of the government are frequently targeted while allies are spared.[32] Political pressure, patronage networks, and limited resources jeopardize the independence of the judiciary and other institutions.
- Enforcement in practice doesn’t match legislation
Nigeria has passed progressive laws such as the Violence Against Persons Act (2015) and the Trafficking in Persons Act (2015), but enforcement is inconsistent. Many laws exist solely on paper due to social, institutional, and political constraints. According to a Guardian Nigeria article, standards governing noise pollution and disability rights are frequently neglected in Lagos. Experts warn that selective enforcement erodes judicial credibility and independence.[33] According to opinion pieces, law enforcement authorities in Nigeria frequently execute court orders that restrict citizens’ acts, such as protests, but reject or postpone court rulings that control state actors or strong individuals. According to one source, “the police are just mocking the rule of law.” According to media accounts, police failure to comply with court orders can be attributed to a variety of factors: Institutionally weak structures, political intervention, lack of accountability, and corruption.[34] While there is considerable acclaim for anti-corruption programs and reform rhetoric, many people are cynical because the punishment for breaking the rules is not being implemented adequately.[35]
Recent Developments
- Proposed Counter-Subversion Bill
In August 2024, the Nigerian House of Representatives was discussing a law that would impose heavy penalties (up to 10 years in jail) for conduct deemed subversive, such as refusing to perform the national anthem, building an illegal roadblock, or resisting constituted authority.[36] This bill is particularly controversial because critics claim it may be used to repress dissent and concentrate authority rather than enforce law impartially. [37]
- Justice Sector & Law Enforcement Reform Policy Frameworks
The Ministry of Justice, Nigeria (via the Attorney-General) reaffirmed a commitment in May 2025 to a “National Policy on Justice (2024-2028)” aimed at improving access to justice, judicial independence and efficiency.[38] On paper, this appears to be a great step, but many critics believe the gap between policy and reality remains significant.
Recommendations
- Strengthen independence and accountability of institutions
- Ensure equal and consistent enforcement
Enforce compliance with court orders
- Improve access to justice and procedural fairness
- Build public trust and legal culture
- Monitor and report enforcement inequalities
Conclusion
In summary, while Nigeria has many of the laws, reform plans, and institutional declarations that one would anticipate from a rule-of-law society, its implementation falls short. The goal of the rule of law is undermined by selective law enforcement, inconsistent adherence to court rulings, delays and inefficiencies in procedures, and institutional deficiencies. If the enforcement-obedience gap is not substantially addressed, the law risks becoming a weapon of power rather than a guarantee of fairness, undermining public trust and democratic governance.
Bibliography
Cases
Central Bank of Nigeria v Peter O. Ikpila & Anor (Court of Appeal, Yola, 9 February 2024) (2024 02) Legalpedia 30162 https://legalpediaonline.com/central-bank-of-nigeria-v-peter-o-ikpila-anor/amp/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Labour Party v Independent National Electoral Commission (2009) – LawCare Nigeria (LawCare Nigeria, 24 October 2019) https://lawcarenigeria.com/labour-party-v-independent-national-electoral-commission/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Military Governor of Lagos State and Others v Ojukwu and Another (1986) 1 NWLR (Pt 18) 621 (SC)
Oko Patrick Idoko v Nigeria Police Force & 3 Ors (Judgment of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, Abuja Division, 17 December 2020, Suit No NICN/ABJ/64/2017) https://www.nicnadr.gov.ng/judgement/details.php?id=5662 accessed 11 November 2025.
Col Mohammed Sambo Dasuki (Rtd) v Federal Republic of Nigeria [2018] LPELR-43919 (CA) [22]
Legislation
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended)
Nigeria Police Act 2020 (Act No 2) 2020
National Human Rights Commission (Amendment) Act 2010
Criminal Code Act 1990 (Cap C38, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990)
Penal Code Act 1960 (Cap P3, Laws of Northern Nigeria 1963)
Books / Reports / NGO Publications
Human Rights Watch, ‘“Everyone’s in on the Game”: Corruption and Human Rights Abuses by the Nigeria Police Force’ (HRW, 17 August 2010) https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/08/17/everyones-game/corruption-and-human-rights-abuses-nigeria-police-force accessed 11 November 2025.
Human Rights Watch, ‘Nigeria: Corruption Fueling Police Abuses’ (HRW, 17 August 2010) https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/08/17/nigeria-corruption-fueling-police-abuses accessed 11 November 2025.
Adam Enoh & Padraig Reidy, ‘#EndSARS and the History of Nigeria’s Failed Police Reform’ TIME (5 October 2020) https://time.com/5904345/endsars-history-nigeria/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Journalistic / Online Sources
Abubakar A, ‘Ododo, Yahaya Bello and EFCC: Time to abrogate Section 308 as immunity becomes impunity’ TheCable (9 October 2024) https://www.thecable.ng/ododo-yahaya-bello-and-efcc-time-to-abrogate-section-308-as-immunity-becomes-impunity/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Adebisi Onanuga, ‘“Selective application of rule of law undermines independence, judicial integrity”’ The Nation (24 January 2023) https://thenationonlineng.net/selective-application-of-rule-of-law-undermines-independence-judicial-integrity/ accessed 11 November 2025.
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Gabriel C, ‘Corruption: Nigerian Police under scrutiny’ Vanguard News (19 August 2017) https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/08/corruption-nigerian-police-scrutiny/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Nwaiwu Chimaobi, ‘Intersociety faults composition of N East Police counter insurgency squad’ Vanguard News (31 December 2018) https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/12/intersociety-faults-composition-of-n-east-police-counter-insurgency-squad/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Ochojila A, ‘Court slams EFCC for disobeying order on Abuja property’ The Guardian Nigeria (8 July 2025) https://guardian.ng/features/law/court-slams-efcc-for-disobeying-order-on-abuja-property/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Joseph Onyekwere, ‘Court orders: How breaches in Police compliance frustrate justice system’ The Guardian Nigeria (8 February 2024) https://guardian.ng/sunday-magazine/newsfeature/court-orders-how-breaches-in-police-compliance-frustrate-justice-system/ accessed 11 November 2025.
The Guardian Nigeria, ‘Minister laments inadequate N871.3bn budget for police operations in 2023’ (8 Nov 2022) https://guardian.ng/news/minister-laments-inadequate-n871-3bn-budget-for-police-operations-in-2023/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Tope Temokun, ‘#OpEd: The Police Are Just Mocking the Rule of Law!’ SaharaReporters (19 October 2025) https://saharareporters.com/2025/10/19/oped-police-are-just-mocking-rule-law-tope-temokun accessed 11 November 2025.
SaharaReporters, ‘EXCLUSIVE: List of IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun’s “Damage Control” Promotions to Quell Outrage Over Ethnic Bias, Discrimination in Force’ (7 August 2025) https://saharareporters.com/2025/08/07/exclusive-list-igp-egbetokuns-damage-control-promotions-quell-outrage-over-ethnic-bias-discrimination-in-force accessed 11 November 2025.
Tribune Online, ‘Obedience to Court order not negotiable under my watch — CJN Kudirat Kekere Ekun’ (30 September 2024) https://tribuneonlineng.com/obedience-to-court-order-not-negotiable-under-my-watch-cjn-kekere-ekun/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Joseph Titilope, ‘Nigeria’s Justice System: How Administrative Delays, Inefficiencies, Neglect, Disrupt Lives, Erode Public Confidence, Undermine Rule Of Law’ Independent Newspaper (30 November 2024) https://independent.ng/nigerias-justice-system-how-administrative-delays-inefficiencies-neglect-disrupt-lives-erode-public-confidence-undermine-rule-of-law/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Nwokoro S, ‘How politics, others impede effective enforcement of laws’ The Guardian Nigeria (20 September 2024) https://guardian.ng/features/law/how-politics-others-impede-effective-enforcement-of-laws/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Paschal Njoku, ‘AGF Reaffirms Commitment To Upholding Rule Of Law, Fair Justice System’ Independent Newspaper (8 May 2025) https://independent.ng/agf-reaffirms-commitment-to-upholding-rule-of-law-fair-justice-system/ accessed 11 November 2025.
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Ogundele B, ‘N45,000 quarterly imprest inadequate for police operations, says Mohammed Sheidu’ The Nation (21 May 2025) https://thenationonlineng.net/n45000-quarterly-imprest-inadequate-for-police-operations-says-sheidu/ accessed 11 November 2025.
Busari S and Alvarado A, ‘Nigeria’s government found guilty of human rights abuses during the #EndSARS protests’ CNN (12 July 2024) https://edition.cnn.com/2024/07/12/africa/nigeria-endsars-protests-ruling-intl accessed 11 November 2025.
[1] Busari S and Alvarado A, ‘Nigeria’s government found guilty of human rights abuses during the #EndSARS protests’ CNN (12 July 2024) <https://edition.cnn.com/2024/07/12/africa/nigeria-endsars-protests-ruling-intl> accessed 11 November 2025.
[2] Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended)
[3] Nigeria Police Act 2020 (Act No 2) 2020.
[4] National Human Rights Commission (Amendment) Act 2010.
[5] Criminal Code Act 1990 (Cap C38, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990)
[6] Penal Code Act 1960 (Cap P3, Laws of Northern Nigeria 1963).
[7] Central Bank of Nigeria v Peter O. Ikpila & Anor (Court of Appeal, Yola, 9 Feb 2024) (2024‑02) Legalpedia 30162 (CA) <https://legalpediaonline.com/central-bank-of-nigeria-v-peter-o-ikpila-anor/amp/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[8] ‘LABOUR PARTY v. INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (2009) – LawCare Nigeria’ (LawCare Nigeria, 24 October 2019) https://lawcarenigeria.com/labour-party-v-independent-national-electoral-commission/
accessed 11 November 2025.
[9] Military Governor of Lagos State and Others v Ojukwu and Another (1986) 1 NWLR (Pt 18) 621 (SC)
[10]Oko Patrick Idoko v Nigeria Police Force & 3 Ors (Judgment of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, Abuja Division, 17 December 2020, Suit No NICN/ABJ/64/2017) <https://www.nicnadr.gov.ng/judgement/details.php?id=5662> accessed 11 November 2025.
[11] Col Mohammed Sambo Dasuki (Rtd) v Federal Republic of Nigeria [2018] LPELR-43919 (CA) [22].
[12] Ochojila A, ‘Court slams EFCC for disobeying order on Abuja property’ The Guardian Nigeria (8 July 2025) <https://guardian.ng/features/law/court-slams-efcc-for-disobeying-order-on-abuja-property/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[13] TheCable, ‘EFCC “shielding” over corruption allegations’ (TheCable, 18 October 2016) <https://www.thecable.ng/group-accuses-efcc-shielding-yahaya-bello/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[14] Human Rights Watch, ‘“Everyone’s in on the Game”: Corruption and Human Rights Abuses by the Nigeria Police Force’ (HRW, 17 August 2010) <https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/08/17/everyones-game/corruption-and-human-rights-abuses-nigeria-police-force> accessed 11 November 2025.
[15] Adam Enoh & Padraig Reidy, ‘#EndSARS and the History of Nigeria’s Failed Police Reform’ TIME (5 October 2020) <https://time.com/5904345/endsars-history-nigeria/> accessed 11 November 2025. time.com
[16] Human Rights Watch, ‘Nigeria: Corruption Fueling Police Abuses’ (HRW, 17 August 2010) <https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/08/17/nigeria-corruption-fueling-police-abuses> accessed 11 November 2025.
[17] The Herald (NG), ‘Fresh N2.92 billion Scandal Hits Police Training Schools’ (17 February 2013) <https://www.herald.ng/fresh-n2-92-billion-scandal-hits-police-training-schools/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[18] Ogundele B, ‘N45,000 quarterly imprest inadequate for police operations, says Mohammed Sheidu’ The Nation (Nigeria, 21 May 2025) https://thenationonlineng.net/n45000-quarterly-imprest-inadequate-for-police-operations-says-sheidu/ accessed 11 November 2025.
[19] Chuks Okocha, ‘Retired CP Adeoye: Nigeria Police Grossly Understaffed, Underfunded’ THISDAY (1 April 2025) <https://www.thisdaylive.com/2025/04/01/retired-cp-adeoye-nigeria-police-grossly-understaffed-underfunded/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[20] Abubakar A, ‘Ododo, Yahaya Bello and EFCC: Time to abrogate Section 308 as immunity becomes impunity’ TheCable (9 October 2024) <https://www.thecable.ng/ododo-yahaya-bello-and-efcc-time-to-abrogate-section-308-as-immunity-becomes-impunity/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[21] The Guardian Nigeria, ‘Minister laments inadequate N871.3bn budget for police operations in 2023’ (8 Nov 2022) <https://guardian.ng/news/minister-laments-inadequate-n871-3bn-budget-for-police-operations-in-2023/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[22] Gabriel C, ‘Corruption: Nigerian Police under scrutiny’ Vanguard News (19 August 2017) <https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/08/corruption-nigerian-police-scrutiny/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[23] Human Rights Watch, ‘“Everyone’s in on the Game”: Corruption and Human Rights Abuses by the Nigeria Police Force’ (HRW, 17 August 2010) < https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/08/17/everyones-game/corruption-and-human-rights-abuses-nigeria-police-force> accessed 11 November 2025.
[24] SaharaReporters, ‘EXCLUSIVE: List of IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun’s “Damage Control” Promotions to Quell Outrage Over Ethnic Bias, Discrimination in Force’ (SaharaReporters, 7 August 2025) <https://saharareporters.com/2025/08/07/exclusive-list-igp-egbetokuns-damage-control-promotions-quell-outrage-over-ethnic-bias-discrimination-in-force> accessed 11 November 2025.
[25] Nwaiwu Chimaobi, ‘Intersociety faults composition of N‑East Police counter‑insurgency squad’ Vanguard News (31 December 2018) <https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/12/intersociety-faults-composition-of-n-east-police-counter-insurgency-squad/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[26] LawPavilion Blog, ‘Selective Prosecution: The Emerging Ethnic and Political Bias in Nigeria’s Criminal Justice System’ (LawPavilion Blog, [date unknown]) <https://lawpavilion.com/blog/selective-prosecution-the-emerging-ethnic-and-political-bias-in-nigerias-criminal-justice-system/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[27] LawPavilion Blog, ‘Selective Prosecution: The Emerging Ethnic and Political Bias in Nigeria’s Criminal Justice System’ (LawPavilion Blog, 1 year ago) <https://lawpavilion.com/blog/selective-prosecution-the-emerging-ethnic-and-political-bias-in-nigerias-criminal-justice-system/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[28] Tribune Online, ‘Obedience to Court order not negotiable under my watch — CJN Kudirat Kekere‑Ekun’ Tribune Online (30 September 2024) <https://tribuneonlineng.com/obedience-to-court-order-not-negotiable-under-my-watch-cjn-kekere‑ekun/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[29] Adebisi Onanuga, ‘“Selective application of rule of law undermines independence, judicial integrity”’ The Nation (24 January 2023) <https://thenationonlineng.net/selective-application-of-rule-of-law-undermines-independence-judicial-integrity/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[30] Joseph Titilope, ‘Nigeria’s Justice System: How Administrative Delays, Inefficiencies, Neglect, Disrupt Lives, Erode Public Confidence, Undermine Rule Of Law’ Independent Newspaper (Nigeria) (30 November 2024) <https://independent.ng/nigerias-justice-system-how-administrative-delays-inefficiencies-neglect-disrupt-lives-erode-public-confidence-undermine-rule-of-law/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[31] Adekola Boluwaji Nifemi, ‘The Suppression of Justice in Nigeria: A Deepening Crisis in Governance and Rule of Law’ (Khai Reports, 11 May 2025) <https://khaireports.com/2025/05/11/the-suppression-of-justice-in-nigeria-a-deepening-crisis-in-governance-and-rule-of-law/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[32]Adekola Boluwaji Nifemi, ‘The Suppression of Justice in Nigeria: A Deepening Crisis in Governance and Rule of Law’ (Khai Reports, 11 May 2025) <https://khaireports.com/2025/05/11/the-suppression-of-justice-in-nigeria-a-deepening-crisis-in-governance-and-rule-of-law/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[33] Adebisi Onanuga, ‘“Selective application of rule of law undermines independence, judicial integrity”’ The Nation (24 January 2023) <https://thenationonlineng.net/selective-application-of-rule-of-law-undermines-independence-judicial-integrity/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[34] Joseph Onyekwere, ‘Court orders: How breaches in Police compliance frustrate justice system’ The Guardian Nigeria (8 February 2024) <https://guardian.ng/sunday-magazine/newsfeature/court-orders-how-breaches-in-police-compliance-frustrate-justice-system/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[35]‘Why don’t Nigerians like following rules?’ r/Nigeria (Reddit, [date unknown]) <https://www.reddit.com/r/Nigeria/comments/1kcw2be/why_dont_nigerians_like_following_rules/> accessed 11 November 2025.
[36] Ibid
[37] Ibid
[38] Paschal Njoku, ‘AGF Reaffirms Commitment To Upholding Rule Of Law, Fair Justice System’ Independent Newspaper (Nigeria) (8 May 2025) <https://independent.ng/agf-reaffirms-commitment-to-upholding-rule-of-law-fair-justice-system/> accessed 11 November 2025.
