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Mob Lynching and Social Media: Platform Liability Under Section 79 of the IT Act Post-2023 Amendments

Authored By: Rupal Barjatya

Symbiosis Law School, Pune

ABSTRACT 

The proliferation of social media platforms has coincided with a disturbing rise in mob  lynching incidents across India, often triggered by misinformation and hate speech circulated  online. This article examines the liability of social media intermediaries under Section 79 of  the Information Technology Act, 2000, particularly in light of recent amendments and evolving  jurisprudence. It analyses the delicate balance between intermediary safe harbour provisions  and accountability for user-generated content that incites violence. Through examination of  legislative frameworks, judicial pronouncements, and recent regulatory developments, this  article argues that while safe harbour protections remain necessary for digital innovation,  stronger due diligence requirements and proactive content moderation obligations are essential  to prevent the spread of inflammatory content that leads to mob violence. 

INTRODUCTION 

India has witnessed a troubling surge in mob lynching incidents over the past decade, with  social media platforms frequently serving as catalysts for violence. WhatsApp rumours about  child kidnappers, Facebook posts spreading communal hatred, and Twitter threads inciting  vigilante justice have repeatedly preceded brutal attacks on innocent individuals. The 2018  lynching cases in Assam and Maharashtra, triggered by forwarded WhatsApp messages falsely  identifying victims as child abductors, starkly illustrated how digital misinformation can  translate into real-world violence. 

This phenomenon raises critical questions about the responsibility of social media  intermediaries in controlling content that incites mob violence. Section 79 of the Information  Technology Act, 2000 provides a safe harbour to intermediaries, exempting them from liability  for third-party content. However, recent amendments through the Information Technology  (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, and subsequent modifications have sought to recalibrate this immunity by imposing enhanced due diligence  obligations. 

The central issue examined in this article is whether the current legal framework adequately  addresses platform liability for content that leads to mob lynching, and whether recent  amendments strike an appropriate balance between protecting free speech, fostering digital  innovation, and preventing violence incited through social media. 

LEGAL FRAMEWORK 

The Information Technology Act, 2000 and Section 79 

Section 79 of the IT Act provides the foundational safe harbour protection for intermediaries  in India. Under Section 79(1), intermediaries are not liable for any third-party information,  data, or communication link made available or hosted by them. This immunity, however, is  conditional upon compliance with Section 79(2), which requires intermediaries to observe due  diligence and not conspire, abet, aid, or induce unlawful acts. Section 79(3) further elaborates  that intermediaries lose their safe harbour protection upon receiving actual knowledge of  unlawful content, either through court orders or government notifications. The provision was  modelled after the safe harbour regime in the United States under Section 230 of the  Communications Decency Act, though with significant differences in implementation and  scope. 1 

The IT (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 

The 2021 Rules marked a paradigm shift in intermediary regulation in India. These rules  impose several significant obligations on social media intermediaries, particularly those  classified as “significant social media intermediaries” (platforms with over 50 lakh registered  users in India).2 Key provisions include: 

Due Diligence Requirements: Intermediaries must publish rules and regulations governing  user access, inform users not to host unlawful content, and establish grievance redressal  mechanisms with monthly compliance reports. 

Content Removal Timelines: Upon receiving complaints, intermediaries must acknowledge  within 24 hours and dispose of complaints within 15 days. For certain categories of content, including content depicting individuals in full or partial nudity or sexual acts, removal must  occur within 24 hours. 

Traceability Mandate: Significant social media intermediaries must enable identification of  the first originator of information, particularly for messages that undermine national security  or public order. This provision has been particularly controversial in the context of encrypted  messaging platforms. 

Proactive Monitoring: Intermediaries must deploy technology-based measures, including  automated tools, to proactively identify and remove unlawful content, especially content  depicting child sexual abuse material. 

CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK 

Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression3, but Article  19(2) permits reasonable restrictions on grounds including public order, decency, morality, and  incitement to an offense.4 The Supreme Court in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015)5 struck down Section 66A of the IT Act for being unconstitutionally vague and violative of  Article 19(1)(a), establishing that restrictions on online speech must meet the same  constitutional standards as offline speech. 

Additionally, Sections 153A, 295A, 505, and 506 of the Indian Penal Code criminalize hate  speech, promotion of enmity between groups, and criminal intimidation – all provisions  relevant to content that may trigger mob lynching.6 

JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION 

Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) 

This landmark judgment fundamentally shaped intermediary liability in India. The Supreme  Court struck down Section 66A of the IT Act while reading down Section 79 to provide clarity  on when intermediaries lose safe harbour protection. The Court held that intermediaries gain  actual knowledge only through court orders or government notifications under Section  79(3)(b), not through private complaints. This judgment established that intermediaries are not required to proactively monitor content and can only be expected to act upon receiving such  formal knowledge.7 

However, the Court also recognized that Section 79(3) contemplates removal of unlawful  content upon gaining actual knowledge, thereby acknowledging that safe harbour is not  absolute when platforms become aware of illegality. 

Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India (2018) 

In response to the wave of mob lynching incidents, particularly those triggered by rumours  spread through social media, the Supreme Court issued preventive and remedial directions.  While this case did not specifically address platform liability, the Court directed Parliament to  create a separate offense for mob lynching and required state governments to take preventive  measures, including designating senior police officers to prevent incidents. 

The Court recognized that WhatsApp and social media platforms were being used to spread  rumours leading to violence, implicitly acknowledging the role of digital platforms in  facilitating mob violence, though it stopped short of imposing direct obligations on  intermediaries.8 

Various High Court Proceedings 

Multiple High Courts have dealt with challenges to the 2021 Intermediary Rules, particularly  concerning the traceability requirement and proactive monitoring obligations. While these  cases remain pending or have been transferred to the Supreme Court, they raise fundamental  questions about whether enhanced due diligence requirements effectively override the safe  harbour protection established under Section 79 and interpreted in Shreya Singhal. 

CRITICAL ANALYSIS 

The Safe Harbour Dilemma 

The fundamental tension in intermediary liability law lies in balancing innovation with  accountability. Complete immunity encourages platform growth and protects free expression  but may enable harmful content proliferation. Conversely, excessive liability chills speech and innovation, potentially transforming intermediaries into censors who over-remove content to  avoid legal consequences. 

In the context of mob lynching, this dilemma becomes acute. The viral nature of inflammatory  content on platforms like WhatsApp, where end-to-end encryption prevents platform  monitoring, creates situations where harmful misinformation spreads rapidly before any  intervention is possible. The 2018 lynching incidents demonstrated that even after platforms  took remedial action, such as WhatsApp limiting message forwarding, the damage had already  occurred. 

Inadequacy of Notice-and-Takedown 

The notice-and-takedown framework under Section 79, as interpreted in Shreya Singhal, is  inherently reactive. By the time a court order or government notification is issued,  inflammatory content may have already reached millions and triggered violence. The 24-hour  and 15-day timelines under the 2021 Rules, while faster than judicial processes, remain  insufficient when content can incite mob violence within hours of posting. 

Moreover, the requirement of court orders or government notifications for establishing actual  knowledge creates procedural bottlenecks. Law enforcement agencies, already overburdened,  may lack the technical expertise or resources to identify and report such content promptly. 

The Traceability Paradox 

The traceability mandate under the 2021 Rules aims to identify originators of harmful content,  theoretically enabling accountability for those spreading inflammatory messages. However,  this requirement faces significant implementation challenges, particularly for encrypted  platforms. Breaking encryption to enable traceability potentially compromises user privacy and  security for all users, not just those spreading harmful content. 

Furthermore, traceability alone does not prevent mob lynching. Identifying the message  originator after violence has occurred serves investigative purposes but fails to address the  preventive dimension that should be the primary objective of platform regulation in this  context. 

Global Comparative Perspectives 

Germany’s Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) requires platforms to remove manifestly  unlawful content within 24 hours and other unlawful content within seven days, with heavy 

penalties for non-compliance.9 While this approach ensures faster content removal, it has been  criticized for encouraging over-removal and privatizing censorship. 

The European Union’s Digital Services Act creates a comprehensive framework distinguishing  between different sizes of platforms and imposing proportionate obligations, including  systemic risk assessments for very large platforms. This tiered approach recognizes that  liability frameworks should vary based on platform size and reach.10 

Australia’s Online Safety Act provides the eSafety Commissioner with extensive powers to  require content removal, particularly for cyberbullying and image-based abuse. This  centralized regulatory approach contrasts with India’s reliance on judicial intervention for  content removal.11 

These international models suggest that effective regulation requires clear definitions of  unlawful content, swift removal mechanisms, proportionate obligations based on platform size,  and independent oversight rather than complete reliance on government notifications or court  orders. 

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS 

2023 Amendments and Clarifications 

Following extensive litigation and criticism of the 2021 Rules, the government has issued  various clarifications regarding intermediary obligations. In 2023, the Ministry of Electronics  and Information Technology clarified that the traceability requirement applies only to  significant social media intermediaries and only for specific categories of content affecting  national security and public order. 

Additionally, the government has established a Grievance Appellate Committee to hear appeals  against intermediary decisions on content removal, providing users with recourse beyond  approaching platforms directly. This institutional mechanism represents progress toward more  structured content moderation governance. 

Platform Responses 

Major platforms have implemented various measures to combat misinformation leading to mob  violence. WhatsApp has limited message forwarding, introduced forward labels, and partnered  with fact-checking organizations. Facebook and Instagram have deployed artificial intelligence  tools to identify hate speech and implemented content warning systems for sensitive material. 

However, these voluntary measures, while beneficial, remain inconsistent across platforms and  lack external oversight. The effectiveness of automated content moderation in identifying  context-specific hate speech in India’s multilingual environment remains questionable. 

Pending Legislative Proposals 

The Digital India Act, currently under consultation, proposes to replace the IT Act with a  comprehensive framework addressing contemporary digital challenges. Early discussions  suggest it may introduce concepts like platform accountability for algorithmic amplification of  harmful content, recognizing that recommendation systems play a crucial role in content  virality. 

Additionally, proposals for a separate law criminalizing mob lynching, as suggested in Tehseen  Poonawalla, remain under consideration, though legislative action has been slow. 

SUGGESTIONS AND WAY FORWARD 

Redefining Actual Knowledge 

The law must evolve beyond the binary framework of safe harbour with or without actual  knowledge. A graduated liability model could hold intermediaries accountable based on their  actions after being made aware of harmful content through various mechanisms including  complaints from affected users, reports from trusted flaggers, or detection through their own  systems, not merely court orders or government notifications. 

Establishing “constructive knowledge” standards where platforms deploy content moderation  systems could incentivize proactive measures without completely eliminating safe harbour protections. 

Strengthening Grievance Redressal 

The grievance redressal mechanism under the 2021 Rules requires enhancement. Grievance  officers must be empowered with clear guidelines on content categories requiring priority 

action, including content that may incite violence. Training programs on India’s socio-cultural  context, communal sensitivities, and patterns of incitement leading to mob violence are  essential. 

Furthermore, the Grievance Appellate Committee should be adequately resourced and  transparent in its decision-making, publishing regular reports on appeals and their outcomes to  enable public scrutiny and build jurisprudence around content moderation decisions. 

Context-Aware Content Moderation 

Automated content moderation tools must be trained on India-specific datasets encompassing  regional languages, cultural contexts, and coded language often used to incite communal  violence. Platforms should be required to invest in human moderators familiar with local  contexts who can make nuanced judgments that algorithms may miss. 

Collaboration between platforms, civil society organizations, and academic institutions can  help develop more sophisticated detection systems for content that may trigger mob violence,  considering factors like the identity of posters, their reach, the historical context of content, and  geographical patterns of previous incidents. 

Transparency and Accountability Mechanisms 

Mandatory transparency reports detailing content removal requests, response times, and  outcomes should be standardized across platforms. These reports must include specific  categories for hate speech, incitement to violence, and misinformation that could lead to  physical harm. 

Additionally, independent social audits of platform content moderation practices by civil  society organizations and academic researchers can provide external validation and identify  systematic failures in addressing inflammatory content. 

User Education and Digital Literacy 

Regulatory interventions must be complemented by user education initiatives. Government platform partnerships for digital literacy campaigns teaching users to identify misinformation,  verify content before forwarding, and understand the consequences of spreading unverified  information are crucial for long-term solutions.

Schools and educational institutions should integrate digital citizenship education into  curricula, emphasizing responsible social media use and critical evaluation of online  information. 

Law Enforcement Capacity Building 

Police departments and law enforcement agencies require training and resources to monitor  social media trends, identify content that may trigger mob violence, and coordinate with  platforms for swift content removal. Dedicated cyber cells with linguistic expertise and cultural  sensitivity can serve as bridges between law enforcement and digital platforms. 

Establishing standardized protocols for emergency content removal requests from law  enforcement, with appropriate judicial oversight to prevent abuse, can enable faster responses  to imminent threats while protecting constitutional rights. 

CONCLUSION 

The intersection of mob lynching and social media presents one of the most challenging issues  in contemporary internet governance. Section 79 of the IT Act, conceived in 2000, struggles to  address the complexities of modern social media platforms where content virality, algorithmic  amplification, and user behaviour patterns create unprecedented risks of real-world violence. 

The 2021 Intermediary Rules and subsequent amendments represent significant steps toward  enhanced platform accountability, but gaps remain. The fundamental challenge lies in crafting  a legal framework that prevents violence incited through social media without undermining the  safe harbour protections essential for digital innovation or empowering excessive state  censorship. 

Moving forward, India must develop a nuanced approach that recognizes different types of  intermediaries, imposes proportionate obligations, creates effective grievance mechanisms,  and fosters collaboration between platforms, government, civil society, and users. The  objective should not be to eliminate intermediary safe harbour but to condition it upon  meaningful due diligence that includes proactive measures against content likely to incite  violence. 

As digital platforms become increasingly central to public discourse and information  dissemination, ensuring they serve as spaces for legitimate expression rather than catalysts for  violence is not merely a legal imperative but a societal necessity. The law must evolve to meet this challenge while preserving the constitutional values of free speech and expression that  underpin India’s democracy.

Reference(S):

1 The Information Technology Act 2000 

2 The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021

3 The Constitution of India 1950, art 19(1)(a) 

4 The Constitution of India 1950, art 19(2) 

5 Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1 

6 The Indian Penal Code 1860, ss 153A, 295A, 505, 506

7 Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1 

8 Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India, (2018) 9 SCC 501

9 Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG), Germany [2017] 

10 Digital Services Act, European Union [2022] 

11 Online Safety Act, Australia [2021]

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