Authored By: Yuvraj Singh
Usha Martin University
I. Introduction
In 2012, the Controller General of Patents in India granted a compulsory licence to Natco Pharma Ltd. for the anti-cancer drug sorafenib tosylate, compelling the patent holder, Bayer Corporation, to allow a generic manufacturer to produce the life-saving medication at a fraction of its original price.1 The branded drug was priced at approximately Rs. 2,80,000 per month, placing it beyond the reach of the overwhelming majority of Indian patients. The compulsory licence reduced the cost to Rs. 8,800 per month. This single administrative decision ignited a global debate about the proper relationship between patent protection, pharmaceutical innovation, and access to essential medicines.
India’s Patents Act, 1970, as amended in 2005, contains provisions that allow the state and private parties to invoke compulsory licensing under defined conditions.2 These provisions represent India’s legislative attempt to reconcile its obligations under the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with its constitutional commitment to public health and the right to life. However, the legal framework governing compulsory licensing is beset by interpretive uncertainty, procedural complexity, and persistent tension between the interests of multinational pharmaceutical companies and the healthcare needs of a developing nation.
This article argues that while India’s compulsory licensing regime is substantively sound as a matter of patent policy, it is procedurally underdeveloped and inconsistently applied, necessitating targeted legislative reform to ensure that the mechanism functions as an effective instrument of public interest rather than an exceptional remedy invoked only in extreme circumstances. The article proceeds as follows. Section II sets out the existing legal framework under the Patents Act, 1970 and India’s TRIPS obligations. Section III examines the leading case law. Section IV critically evaluates the weaknesses of the current regime. Section V undertakes a comparative analysis of selected foreign jurisdictions. Section VI proposes reforms.
II. The Existing Legal Framework
A. The Patents Act, 1970 and the 2005 Amendment
India’s primary legislation governing patents is the Patents Act, 1970, which was substantially amended by the Patents (Amendment) Act, 2005 to comply with India’s obligations as a member of the World Trade Organization.3 Prior to the 2005 amendment, Indian law did not recognise product patents in the pharmaceutical sector, permitting domestic manufacturers to produce generic versions of patented medicines through alternative processes. The amendment introduced product patent protection for pharmaceuticals, representing a fundamental shift in India’s patent regime.
To mitigate the impact of this shift on access to medicines, the legislature retained and strengthened the compulsory licensing provisions in Chapter XVI of the Act. Section 84 provides that any person may apply to the Controller for a compulsory licence after three years from the date of grant of a patent, on three grounds: (i) that the reasonable requirements of the public with respect to the patented invention have not been satisfied; (ii) that the patented invention is not available to the public at a reasonably affordable price; or (iii) that the patented invention is not worked in the territory of India.4 Section 92 provides a separate route for the government to grant compulsory licences of its own motion in circumstances of national emergency, extreme urgency, or for non-commercial public use.
Section 3(d) of the Act, introduced by the 2005 amendment, restricts the patentability of new forms of known substances unless they demonstrate significantly enhanced efficacy.5 While not a compulsory licensing provision strictly speaking — and its full significance will become apparent in the discussion of Novartis in Section III below — Section 3(d) operates as an upstream filter on patent grants and directly affects the universe of patents to which compulsory licensing applies. Together, these provisions constitute India’s legislative framework for balancing patent exclusivity against public interest.
B. TRIPS Obligations and the Doha Declaration
India’s compulsory licensing provisions operate within the framework established by the TRIPS Agreement, to which India acceded upon joining the WTO in 1995.6 Article 31 of TRIPS permits member states to grant compulsory licences subject to conditions including prior negotiation with the patent holder (waivable in cases of national emergency), payment of adequate remuneration, and limits on the scope and duration of the licence. These conditions represent a compromise between the interests of patent-holding countries and the developmental needs of importing nations.
The Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, adopted in 2001, affirmed that the TRIPS Agreement does not and should not prevent members from taking measures to protect public health.7 The Declaration confirmed that member states retain the freedom to determine the grounds on which compulsory licences are granted and to determine what constitutes a national emergency or circumstance of extreme urgency. India’s legislative framework reflects these flexibilities, embedding them directly into the Patents Act.
III. Case Law Analysis
A. Natco Pharma Ltd. v. Bayer Corporation (2012)
The first compulsory licence granted in India under the 2005 regime arose from an application by Natco Pharma Ltd. in respect of Bayer’s patented drug sorafenib tosylate, marketed under the brand name Nexavar and used in the treatment of kidney and liver cancers.8 The Controller General held that all three grounds under Section 84(1) were satisfied: the public’s reasonable requirements had not been met, the drug was not available at a reasonably affordable price, and it was not being worked in India by Bayer.
The Intellectual Property Appellate Board (IPAB) upheld the Controller’s decision on appeal, rejecting Bayer’s argument that imports constituted “working” the invention in India within the meaning of Section 83.9 The IPAB’s reasoning was significant: it held that the statutory objectives of the patent system include making the benefits of inventions available at reasonably affordable prices, and that a patent holder could not defeat a compulsory licence application merely by importing the product rather than manufacturing it domestically. The Bombay High Court subsequently dismissed Bayer’s writ petition, affirming the IPAB’s analysis.
The Natco decision established several important propositions:
- Importation does not satisfy the working requirement under Section 83.
- The affordability analysis under Section 84(1)(b) is assessed by reference to the purchasing capacity of the general population, not the average patient.
- The royalty rate payable under a compulsory licence must reflect the balance between the patentee’s right to remuneration and the public interest in access.
B. Novartis AG v. Union of India (2013)
Although Novartis AG v. Union of India10 concerned the patentability of the cancer drug imatinib mesylate under Section 3(d) rather than a compulsory licence application directly, the Supreme Court’s judgment has profoundly shaped the interpretive context within which compulsory licensing operates. The Court held that the patent application for the beta-crystalline form of imatinib mesylate was refused under Section 3(d) because the applicant had not demonstrated a significant enhancement in therapeutic efficacy.
The significance of Novartis for compulsory licensing lies in the Court’s broader analysis of the purpose of the 2005 amendment. The Court held that the Indian patent system was designed to promote the national interest, including the protection of public health, and that Section 3(d) was a deliberate legislative choice to prevent “evergreening” — the practice by which pharmaceutical companies extend patent protection through incremental modifications that do not represent genuine innovation.11 This interpretive approach has influenced subsequent decisions on compulsory licensing by establishing that the Patents Act is to be construed purposively, with the public interest given substantial weight.
C. Lee Pharma Ltd. v. AstraZeneca AB (2015)
The compulsory licence application by Lee Pharma Ltd. in respect of AstraZeneca’s diabetes drug saxagliptin was refused by the Controller in 2015, providing a significant counterpoint to the Natco decision.12 The Controller held that the applicant had not adequately demonstrated that the reasonable requirements of the public had not been satisfied, pointing to the availability of alternative diabetes treatments and the applicant’s failure to establish that it had the manufacturing capacity to work the invention. The decision revealed that the evidentiary threshold for establishing the grounds under Section 84(1) is demanding, and that not every high-priced patented medicine will qualify for a compulsory licence.
IV. Critical Evaluation
The case law examined in the preceding section reveals three structural weaknesses in India’s compulsory licensing regime, each of which warrants detailed analysis.
A. Procedural Barriers and Evidentiary Burdens
The most significant structural weakness of India’s compulsory licensing regime is the procedural complexity and the heavy evidentiary burdens it imposes on applicants. Section 84 requires an applicant to demonstrate that it has made efforts to obtain a voluntary licence from the patent holder on reasonable terms and conditions within a reasonable period, which shall not ordinarily exceed six months.13 In practice, this requirement creates a significant preliminary hurdle: a potential licensee must engage in prolonged and often futile negotiations with a patent holder who has every financial incentive to resist. The six-month period is frequently contested, and pharmaceutical patent holders have been known to use the negotiation process strategically to delay applications.
The Lee Pharma decision illustrates the difficulty of satisfying the evidentiary requirements. The applicant was required to demonstrate not merely that the drug was expensive, but that the reasonable requirements of the public had not been satisfied in a quantifiable sense, taking into account alternative treatments, the size of the patient population, and the manufacturing capacity of the applicant. These requirements, while legitimate in principle, create a near-impossible evidentiary burden in the absence of comprehensive public health data, which private applicants typically lack.
B. The Narrow Scope of Section 92
Section 92, which permits the government to grant compulsory licences on its own motion in circumstances of national emergency or extreme urgency, has been strikingly underutilised. The provision has never been formally invoked in India, despite recurring public health crises, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic of the 1990s and 2000s and the COVID-19 pandemic.14 This underutilisation reflects a broader political reluctance to exercise the provision in the face of diplomatic pressure from developed countries and the pharmaceutical industry. It is submitted that the failure to use Section 92 during the COVID-19 pandemic, when access to patented vaccines and treatments was a matter of national urgency, represents a significant missed opportunity.
C. Remuneration and the Balancing Difficulty
The determination of adequate remuneration under a compulsory licence poses a further difficulty. Section 84(4) provides that a compulsory licence shall be granted on such conditions as the Controller thinks fit, having regard to the nature of the invention, the period remaining under the patent, and the desirability of making the patented invention available at the lowest prices consistent with giving the patentee a reasonable advantage. In the Natco case, the Controller fixed the royalty at six percent of net sales, a rate that Bayer challenged as inadequate.
The absence of a clear statutory formula for remuneration creates uncertainty for both applicants and patent holders. The Controller’s discretion is wide and largely unfettered by legislative guidance. This uncertainty may itself operate as a deterrent to compulsory licence applications, since potential licensees cannot predict with confidence whether the eventual royalty rate will render the licence commercially viable. It is submitted that the legislature should enact a statutory framework for remuneration that provides greater predictability without sacrificing the flexibility needed to address varied circumstances.
D. Engagement with Counterarguments
It is necessary to engage with the principal counterargument advanced by the pharmaceutical industry: that compulsory licensing undermines the incentive to invest in research and development, thereby ultimately harming public health by reducing the pipeline of new medicines. This argument has force. Patent exclusivity is the primary mechanism by which pharmaceutical companies recover the substantial investment required to bring a drug to market. If compulsory licensing is too readily available, it may deter investment in medicines for diseases prevalent in developing countries.
However, this argument proves less than its proponents claim. The empirical evidence that compulsory licensing deters pharmaceutical R&D is contested. The drugs that have been the subject of compulsory licence applications in India are predominantly medicines for diseases such as cancer and HIV that affect patients globally, not only in developing countries. The R&D investment in these medicines is driven primarily by the prospect of profits in high-income markets, not in India. Moreover, the TRIPS Agreement itself, through the Doha Declaration, affirms that patent protection must not prevent access to medicines. The argument from innovation incentives does not justify a regime that effectively forecloses access to life-saving treatments for the majority of the Indian population.
V. Comparative Perspectives
A. Brazil
Brazil provides the most instructive comparative model. In 2007, the Brazilian government issued a compulsory licence for the HIV antiretroviral drug efavirenz on the ground of public interest, invoking a provision analogous to Section 92 of the Indian Act.15 Unlike India, Brazil has demonstrated a political willingness to use its compulsory licensing provisions proactively as an instrument of health policy. The Brazilian government’s preparedness to invoke the provision has also been used as leverage in voluntary licence negotiations with pharmaceutical companies, resulting in price reductions for several antiretroviral drugs without the formal grant of a compulsory licence. The Brazilian experience demonstrates that the mere existence and credible threat of compulsory licensing can itself function as a tool to improve access.
B. South Africa
South Africa’s experience illustrates the consequences of failing to utilise available compulsory licensing flexibilities. During the height of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the South African government’s inability and political reluctance to deploy compulsory licensing contributed to the unnecessary deaths of hundreds of thousands of patients who could not afford patented antiretroviral treatments.16 The Medicines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act, which sought to enable generic substitution and parallel importation, was challenged by a consortium of pharmaceutical companies before being eventually withdrawn. South Africa subsequently strengthened its intellectual property framework through the Intellectual Property Policy of 2018, which expressly incorporated TRIPS flexibilities, including compulsory licensing, as instruments of public health policy.
C. The European Union
In March 2023, the European Commission proposed a regulation to establish a new EU-level compulsory licensing mechanism that could be activated in times of crisis to ensure the availability of crisis-relevant products.17 The proposal represents a significant development in the evolution of compulsory licensing, extending the concept beyond individual member state action to a supranational level. While the EU mechanism is expressly designed for crisis situations rather than general access to medicines, it reflects a broader recognition that compulsory licensing is a legitimate and necessary instrument of public policy, even in high-income legal systems that have traditionally been resistant to its deployment.
VI. Proposals for Reform
The analysis in the preceding sections reveals three principal deficiencies in India’s compulsory licensing regime: the procedural complexity of the Section 84 application process, the chronic underutilisation of Section 92, and the absence of a clear remuneration framework. The following reforms are proposed to address these deficiencies.
- Parliament should amend Section 84 to reduce the mandatory negotiation period from six months to three months, and to provide that proof of prior negotiation is not required where the Controller is satisfied that the patent holder has declined to enter into good-faith negotiations. The purpose of the negotiation requirement is to encourage voluntary licensing; it should not operate as a procedural trap that deters legitimate applications.
- Parliament should enact subsidiary legislation setting out a transparent and predictable remuneration formula for compulsory licences, modelled on the Guidelines for the Examination of Patent Applications published by the Office of the Controller General. The formula should establish a baseline royalty rate, with provision for upward or downward adjustment based on factors including the nature of the invention, the public health significance of the medicine, and the volume of sales anticipated under the licence.
- The Ministry of Health and the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade should jointly issue operational guidelines for the invocation of Section 92, setting out the criteria for determining whether a national emergency or circumstance of extreme urgency exists, the process for identifying the patented products to be covered, and the mechanism for fixing remuneration. These guidelines would reduce the political and administrative uncertainty that has deterred the government from invoking Section 92 in appropriate circumstances.
VII. Conclusion
The compulsory licensing provisions of the Patents Act, 1970 represent one of India’s most important legislative instruments for reconciling the imperatives of intellectual property protection with the constitutional guarantee of the right to life and the country’s commitment to public health. The Natco decision demonstrated that the mechanism can function as intended: it made a life-saving cancer treatment available to patients at a fraction of its patented price and set a global precedent for the permissibility of compulsory licensing in the pharmaceutical context.
However, this article has demonstrated that the current regime is procedurally burdensome, that Section 92 has been rendered effectively inoperative by political inertia, and that the absence of a clear remuneration framework creates uncertainty that deters legitimate applications. These weaknesses are not inherent in the compulsory licensing concept; they are the product of legislative gaps and administrative underinvestment that are amenable to correction.
It is submitted that the reforms proposed in Section VI — namely, the reduction of the negotiation period, the enactment of a transparent remuneration formula, and the publication of operational guidelines for Section 92 — would substantially strengthen the regime without compromising India’s international obligations or its attractiveness as a destination for pharmaceutical investment. The comparative experience of Brazil confirms that a credible and well-functioning compulsory licensing regime can itself serve as a mechanism for improving access to medicines through the discipline it imposes on voluntary licence negotiations.
India is home to more than a billion people, the overwhelming majority of whom cannot afford patented medicines at their market prices. The law must ensure that the patent system serves these people, not merely the interests of multinational corporations. Reforming the compulsory licensing regime is not a matter of innovation versus access; it is a matter of ensuring that innovation fulfils the social function that justifies the grant of exclusive rights in the first instance.
Reference(S):
Cases
Natco Pharma Ltd. v. Bayer Corporation, C.L.A. No. 1 of 2011 (Controller General of Patents, India, 2012).
Bayer Corporation v. Union of India, Order No. 45 of 2013 (IPAB, 2013).
Novartis AG v. Union of India, (2013) 6 SCC 1.
Lee Pharma Ltd. v. AstraZeneca AB, C.L.A. No. 1 of 2015 (Controller General of Patents, India, 2015).
Legislation and International Instruments
Patents Act 1970 (India), as amended by the Patents (Amendment) Act 2005.
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Apr. 15, 1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1C, 1869 U.N.T.S. 299.
Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, WT/MIN(01)/DEC/2 (Nov. 20, 2001) (Doha Declaration).
Medicines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act 90 of 1997 (South Africa).
Proposed Regulation on Compulsory Licensing for Crisis Management, COM(2023) 224 final (EU).
Secondary Sources
Carlos M. Correa, Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights: A Commentary on the TRIPS Agreement (Oxford University Press 2007).
Frederick M. Abbott, ‘The “Rule of Reason” and the Right to Health: Integrating Human Rights and Competition Principles with the Patent System’ in Frederick M. Abbott and Jerome H. Reichman (eds), The Development Agenda: Global Intellectual Property and Sustainable Development (Cambridge University Press 2009).
Shamnad Basheer and T.G. Ayyangar, ‘The Invention of an Investment Incentive for Pharmaceutical Innovation’ (2005) 8 Journal of World Intellectual Property 363.
Prashant Reddy Thikkavarapu and Sumathi Chandrashekaran, Create, Copy, Disrupt: India’s Intellectual Property Dilemmas (Oxford University Press 2017).
Footnote(S):
1 Natco Pharma Ltd. v. Bayer Corporation, C.L.A. No. 1 of 2011, Order of the Controller General of Patents (Mar. 9, 2012).
2 Patents Act 1970 (India), as amended by the Patents (Amendment) Act 2005, ss. 84, 92.
3 Patents (Amendment) Act 2005 (India), Statement of Objects and Reasons.
4 Patents Act 1970 (India), s. 84(1)(a)–(c).
5 Patents Act 1970 (India), s. 3(d).
6 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Apr. 15, 1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1C, 1869 U.N.T.S. 299, art. 31.
7 Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, WT/MIN(01)/DEC/2 (Nov. 20, 2001), para. 4.
8 Natco Pharma Ltd. v. Bayer Corporation (n 1), paras. 15–22.
9 Bayer Corporation v. Union of India, Order No. 45 of 2013 (Intellectual Property Appellate Board, Chennai, Mar. 4, 2013), paras. 31–38.
10 Novartis AG v. Union of India, (2013) 6 SCC 1.
11 ibid., para. 187.
12 Lee Pharma Ltd. v. AstraZeneca AB, C.L.A. No. 1 of 2015, Order of the Controller General of Patents (July 29, 2015), paras. 18–27.
13 Patents Act 1970 (India), s. 84(6)(iv).
14 Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Annual Report 2022–23 (Government of India 2023) 112 (noting that no compulsory licence has been issued under s. 92 since the coming into force of the Patents Act 1970).
15 Presidential Decree No. 6.108 (Brazil, Apr. 4, 2007) (issuing compulsory licence for efavirenz for non-commercial public use).
16 Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’ Association of South Africa v. President of the Republic of South Africa, Case No. 4183/98 (High Court of South Africa, Transvaal Provincial Division), withdrawn Apr. 19, 2001.
17 Proposed Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on Compulsory Licensing for Crisis Management and Amending Regulation (EC) No. 816/2006, COM(2023) 224 final (Apr. 27, 2023).





