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The Limitations of Freedom of expression: SouthAfrican and International Studies

Authored By: Pretty Nomfundo Mhlakwana

Pretty Nomfundo Mhlakwana

Abstract  

Freedom of expression forms part of the foundational constitutional rights that creates  democratic societies. However, the exercise of this right may result in conflicts with other  fundamental rights such as equality and human dignity. This article will critically conduct a  comparative legal analysis of the justifiable restrictions placed on freedom of expression  against the South African right-balancing approach and the United States content-neutral  models. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 formed in response of the  former apartheid system, includes an explicit internal limitation (section 16(2)), which is  designed to proactively prohibit hate speech and protect equality as underscored in the Qwelane  judgment. Moreover, analyse how Jimmy Kimmel controversy surrounding his political  commentary demonstrates that restrictions on hate speech depends on a nation’s commitment  to equality and history.

The Limitations of Free Speech: South African and International Studies  I Introduction 

Freedom of expression is recognised universally as the bedrock or foundation of democratic  governance and optimal human functioning or self-actualisation. Its implementation must be  constantly balanced against other rights such as equality and dignity. Owing to various  injustices and prejudices many countries have faced, the right of freedom of expression plays  a crucial role. This right is not really a leeway or latitude for people to speak without  consequence. Rather, it is a qualified constitutional guarantee fundamental for the functioning  of an open and democratic society. Not only does this right plays a vital role domestically (South Africa), but it importance is even recognised worldwide. Globally, the significance of  this right is enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights1and Article  10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).2 Owing to the infamous apartheid  regime that took place in South Africa, upholding this right is important as it carries the  immense weight by signifying a clear and decisive departure from the oppressive censorship  that defined the former apartheid system. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,  1996 contributed to this transformation. Hence, the right of freedom of expression is enshrined  on section 16(1), where this liberty is broadly guaranteed as it includes artistic expression,  freedom of the press and the right to both share and receive information.3 

However, this constitutional promise or right is not absolute and not without any exceptions.4 Section 2 of the Constitution, clearly states that it is the supreme law of the country and any  law or conduct that is inconsistent with is will be declared invalid.5 Consequently, this  provision ensures that other important rights especially for those that had been victims of  injustices and discrimination are safeguarded from being directly and indirectly infringed upon  by others.6 These rights include equality, human dignity, and the advancement of non-racial,  non-sexist society.7 The parameters of permissible expression rests precisely at the point of  contention between the principles or values of collective equality and individual liberty. The hardship experienced in modern constitutional legal system regarding to implementation of this  right does not lie in affirming it. However, it lies where the unlimited exercise of this right  threatens or infringes upon the democratic values is supposed to uphold. This is highlighted in  the S v Mamabolo case, where the Constitutional Court held that freedom of expression is of  utmost importance, however expression that is excessively abusive or inflammatory can be  limited in some instances.8 Therefore, this article will critically examine the importance of  freedom of expression, but also demonstrating that no right is absolute as even the highly  valued rights carry internal limitations that are defined by the necessity to protect other  important constitutional values. 

II How South African Legal System Balances Free Speech and Equality 

The South African legal framework for limiting freedom of expression is distinguished by its  pre-emptive and direct approach towards harmful speech, embodying an explicit internal  limitation within the right itself.9 This contradicts laws that rely solely on the general  limitations clause.10 As stated above, section 16(1) of the Constitution explicitly provides for  the right that can be broadly interpreted.11 Whereas section 16(2) of the Constitution sets forth  three different specific categories of expression to be entirely unprotected by the Constitution.  This includes incitement of imminent violence, propaganda for war, and most importantly the  advocacy of hatred that is based on ethnicity, race, gender, or religion, and that involves  incitement to cause harm. It is important distinguish between the fact that section 36 of the  Constitution sets forth the standard upon which the rights that are enshrined in the Bill of Rights  can be legally limited. However, section 16(2) provides for exclusions that are not grounds for  limitation as provided by section 36, they are forms of expressions that completely and wholly  fall outside of the constitutional right.12 They are not considered in the Constitution because of  their harmful nature in creating a democratic society.13 Section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution  clearly prohibits hate speech, because its primary purpose is to redress or try to rectify the harm and unfairness of the former apartheid regime and create a country where everyone is treated  equally and with respect.14 

Moreover, the intersection of section 16(2) of the Constitution and section 10 of the Promotion  of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (PEPUDA) served as true  limits of speech as they regulate hate speech civilly.15 The landmark case where this  intersection was clarified and assessed is the Qwelane v South African Human Rights  Commission and Another, which was adjudicated in the Constitutional Court. The case  surrounded the profoundly derogatory and homophobic language written against the LGBTQI+  community by the journalist Jon Qwelane which was on the 2008 newspaper column comparing same- sex relationships to bestiality.16 The South African Human Rights  Commission regarded this as hate speech under section 10(1) of PEPUDA. In return Qwelane  contested the constitutionality of this provision on the grounds that its prohibition unjustifiably  limited his right of freedom of expression under section 16 of the Constitution. The  Constitutional Court had to balance the right of freedom of expression against the right to  equality and dignity.17 

The Constitutional Court delivered International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (999) UNTS 171 a unanimous judgement and held the existing laws regulating hate  speech are too broad and lacked specificity because it prohibited or restricted speech merely  for being “hurtful” or causing subjective offence. This was found to be unjustifiable  infringement on free speech.18 This finding of the Court confirmed that even in a country that  is dignity-focused, the threshold for limiting or restricting freedom of expression must be high  and defined with precision.19 On the other hand, the Court upheld and reaffirmed the core of  the prohibition and held that he article indeed constituted illegal hate speech under the  remaining law as the statements explicitly demonstrated intention to propagate hatred and  cause harm. It did this by reading down the legislation, aligning, and balancing the internal  limitation in section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution with the statutory definition of hate speech.20 The Qwelane judgment explicitly demonstrated that the expression may lose its constitutional protection when it surpasses the line from a mere insult or offence into the domain of inciting  harm based on prohibited characteristics or grounds and promoting hatred.21 This legal analysis  firmly establishes the supremacy and importance of the constitutional rights to equality and  human dignity over the right to expression they are in direct conflict with one another.  

All the forms of expressions that are protected under section 16(1) and not considered under  the internal exclusions of section 16(2), such as speech inciting public disorder, or defamation  the general limitation clause under section 36 would apply. This limitation clause firmly  requires that any law limiting a right has to be reasonable and justifiable in an open and  democratic society based on equality, human dignity, and freedom.22 This is a strict or rigid  proportionality assessment, which requires a balance of core factors, including the nature and  importance of the right being limited, and whether less restrictive means are available to  achieve the same purpose.23 The case of Print Media South Africa and Another v Minister of  Home Affairs and Another, reinforced this framework powerfully as the Court invalidated  provisions of the Films and Publications Act that authorised pre-publication administrative  approval for certain materials.24 The Court held that censorship before publishing is excessively  damaging to democracy and free media, therefore it should only be allowed under the most  extreme or rare circumstances in order to uphold the significant role of the media as the  essential safeguard or bulwark of democracy.25 

III The United States Perspectives: Strong Protection for Free Speech  

The South African model restricts harmful speech proactively before it spreads.26 Whereas the  approach used in the United States prioritises the freedom of the speaker almost absolutely.27 The First Amendment to the United States Constitution simply states that Congress shall not  make any law limiting the freedom of speech or of the press.28 This interpretation provides  speech or expression the maximal protection possible rooted in the philosophy of completely restricting the state for regulating it.29 Under this rule the government must shield all speech  even if the content is hateful, distasteful, or offensive it does not matter.30 

In the United States there is clear line separating unprotected speech from protected speech and  this is set incredibly high. The Brandenburg v Ohio case firmly established the definitive  standard for restricting advocacy or political speech which is the imminent lawless action test.31 The test sets forth two instances where speech can be prohibited. Firstly, speech can only be  prohibited of it is directed to producing or inciting imminent lawless action.32 Secondly, is  speech being likely to produce or incite such action stated in the first leg of the test. However,  in order for the test to be applicable there is high degree of temporal proximity and a clear chain  of causation.33 This means that there is no protection provided to restrict hate speech unless the  Brandenburg standard is satisfied or constitutes narrow and traditional exceptions such as true  threats or fighting words.34 As a result of the United State only banning speech that incites  immediate lawless action, a statement such as that made in the Qwelane case which in South  Africa was found to constitute hate speech would nearly always be protected as political  expression under the United States First Amendment, considering it does not incite immediate  lawless violence.  

IV The Jimmy Kimmel Controversy Relating to Free Speech 

The recent controversy surrounding the American talk show host and comedian Jimmy Kimmel  demonstrates how free speech is limited in the United States. In 2025, Kimmel faced intense  political and public backlash that that led to his suspension following the controversial  monologue addressing the assassination of the conservative activist Charlie Kirk. His  comments which criticised political opponents for trying to weaponise the tragedy for political  gain, received threats of regulatory action from Brendan Carr who is the Chairman of the  Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Brendan Carr provided that the ABC/Disney as  a private agency had a legal right to suspend Kimmel’s show demonstrating government  pressure on a broadcaster. Despite Kimmel’s speech being protected under the First  Amendment, it did not meet the Bandenburg test or threshold. Therefore, the threat led to private censorship, and this is why it was ABC/Disney that suspended him and not the  government. This is because the First Amendment only applies to limiting state action and does  not restrict companies from making editorial or employment decisions. Consequently, this  displays how the United States free speech while broad in theory can be limited in practice  because of corporate interests responding to financial or political pressure.35 

V Legislations Regulating Hate Speech  

The difference between the South African and United States approach is most evident when  considering the intention of legislation in regulating hate speech. South Africa has expanded  beyond civil remedies found under PEPUDA by enacting the Prevention and Combating of  Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act to criminalise hate speech.36 This Act further maintains  South Africa’s dedication to human dignity by making it a criminal offence to propagate,  publish, or advocate anything with the intention to promote hatred or incite harm, with penalties  including up to three- or five-years imprisonment. 

The criminalisation of hate speech stems from the belief that is widely held in Europe and  reflected in the ECHR’s law, providing that certain categories of speech are so significantly  destructive to the rights of vulnerable group of people and democratic value, and they must be  entirely prohibited. The European Court of Human Rights permits restrictions on expression  that violates either the rights of others or reputation. In return it applies the proportionality test  that enable the member states a wide discretion (margin of appreciation) to restrict speech such  as Holocaust denial and religious vilification, which is legally enforced in nations such as  France and Germany.37 In contrast to the United States standard known as the Brandenburg test, the European approach focuses on keeping or maintaining public order and respecting the  rights of the minority groups. It does this by allowing the government to regulate speech where  there is a clear and explicit social need which is easier to meet and justify. 

VI Recommendations 

It is undisputed and universally acknowledged that freedom of expression serves as one of the  crucial cornerstone or bedrock of democratic societies and as a precondition for the exercise of  various other rights. However, the scope and limitation of this right should remain as a subject  of an ongoing debate across national and international legal systems. It is evident that the  United States remains as a leading example of a country that provides one of the rigorous  protections under it First Amendment of its Constitution. This is because, there is minimal state  intervention even in cases when there are controversial forms of speech.  

Despite the nuanced approach and with reference to the stated examples above, it has been  apparent that this right may lead to a plethora of issues despite promoting individual liberty  and public forum where diverse ideas can be shared and received. The implementation of this  right potentially exposes challenges especially within a society marked by a track-record of  inequality, political polarisation, and digital transformation. The best way to tackle this issue  is for South Africa to continue refining its policy and legal frameworks to ensure that freedom  of expression contributes adequately to democratic participation while mitigating harm. This  goal can be advanced through the development of clearer statutory guidelines on  misinformation and on hate speech, education programmes and strengthening of independent  regulatory institutions that foster responsible public dialogue.  

Globally, treaties such as Article 19 of the UDHR and the International Covenant on Civil and  Political Rights (ICCPR) acknowledges freedom of expression as an important universal  human right.38 However, they also allow certain limitations that are required for the protection  of the reputation or rights of others, public order, and national security. While both international  law and South African law upholds the importance of freedom of expression, the exercise and  the implementation must always be balanced against other various democratic imperatives such  as social harmony and human dignity. Therefore, it is the responsibility of legal systems to  adopt a proportional and contextual approach that recognises that unlimited speech can  sometimes results to perpetuating harm. However, they must keep in mind that excessive  limitations can undermine democracy. A proper structured policy and legal response, founded  in constitutional values and international human rights standards remains indispensable to  guarantee that freedom of expression continues to strengthen rather than divide democratic  societies. 

VII Conclusion 

A comparative analysis of free speech limits demonstrates how different countries tackle the  issue based on their history. Freedom of expression is crucial to a democratic system,  permitting citizens of society to seek and share information and providing a strong institutional  check against government. However, as highlighted above the necessary boundary of freedom  of expression is determined by the need to safeguard competing fundamental constitutional  rights such as reputation, dignity, and national security. In South Africa, the Constitution place  equality and dignity above unlimited free speech. This stems from the history of past unfair  discrimination under the apartheid system, which is why the country has powerful laws against  hate speech, such as section 16(2), fortified by the new enacted criminal laws and the Qwelane judgement. These demonstrates how South Africa is committed to social change and creating  an equal society where everyone is equally respected. In contrast, the United States highly  values free speech because of its history of resisting government control. However, this leads  to people having to tolerate hateful or offensive speech. Europe takes a middle path approach  by using a balanced approach that allows limits in speech when necessary to protect society.  At the core, how a country sets the restriction of free speech reflects its foundational values. 

Bibliography 

Constitution: 

Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. 

Journal Articles: 

Du Plessis P, ‘Freedom of Speech – Should Speech that Causes Harm be Free? An International  and South African Perspective’ (2014) 5(23) Med J of Soc Scie 1363. 

Treaty: 

European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) (1950) 213 UNTS 222 

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (999) UNTS 171 Universal Declaration of Human Rights GA Res 217 A (III), UN Doc A/810 (1948) 

Cases: 

Brandenburg v Ohio [1969] US 444 

Handyside v United Kingdom [1976] Series A no 24, 1 EHRR 737 

Print Media South Africa and Another v Minister of Home Affairs and Another [2012] ZACC  22 

Qwelane v South African Human Rights Commission and Another [2021] ZACC 22, 2021 (6)  SA 579 (CC), 2022 (2) BCLR 129 (CC) 

The State v Mamabolo [2001] ZACC 17, 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC), 2001 (5) BCLR 449 (CC) Internet Source: 

Wheeler T, ‘Beyond Kimmel, the FCC Controversy Exposes a Larger Struggle over Free  Speech’ (Brookings Institution, 23 September 2025)  https://www.brookings.edu/articles/beyond-kimmel-the-fcc-controversy-exposes-a-larger struggle-over-free-speech/

Legislations: 

Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act 16 of 2023 Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000

1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights GA Res 217 A (III), art 19. 

2 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) (1950) 213 UNTS 222, art 10. 

3 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, s 16(1).  

4 Pierre du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech – Should Speech that Causes Harm be Free? An International and South  African Perspective’ (2014) 5(23) Med J of Soc Scie 1363. 

5 Constitution, s 2. 

6 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1363.  

7 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1364. 

8 The State v Mamabolo (CCT 44/00) [2001] ZACC 17, 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC), 2001 (5) BCLR 449 (CC) [26]- [33]. 

9 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1364.  

10 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1367. 

11 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1366. 

12 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1364. 

13 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1364.

14 Constitution, s 16(2)(c).  

15 Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000, s 10. 

16 Qwelane v South African Human Rights Commission and Another [2021] ZACC 22 [3]. 17 [2021] ZACC 22. 

18 [2021] ZACC 22 [100]. 

19 [2021] ZACC 22. 

20 [2021] ZACC 22 [100].

21 [2021] ZACC 22 [100]. 

22 Constitution, s 36. 

23 Constitution, s 36. 

24 Print Media South Africa and Another v Minister of Home Affairs and Another [2012] ZACC 22 [107]. 25 [2012] ZACC 22 [107]. 

26 Jeffery, ‘Free Speech and Press: An Absolute Right?’ (1986) 8 Hum Rts Q 197. 

27 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1365. 

28 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1365.

29 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1365. 

30 Du Plessis, ‘Freedom of Speech’ 1365. 

31 Brandenburg v Ohio [1969] US 444.  

32 [1969] US 444.  

33 [1969] US 444.  

34 [1969] US 444.

35 Tom Wheeler, ‘Beyond Kimmel, the FCC Controversy Exposes a Larger Struggle over Free Speech’ (Brookings  Institution, 23 September 2025) <https://www.brookings.edu/articles/beyond-kimmel-the-fcc-controversy exposes-a-larger-struggle-over-free-speech/> accessed 13 October 2025.  

36 Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act 16 of 2023. 

37 Handyside v United Kingdom [1976] 1 EHRR 737.

38 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (999) UNTS 171

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